At the end of the nineteenth century, Hong Kong was in the midst of a malaria and plague epidemic which caused a fierce dispute within the medical community over disease theories and quarantine practices. However, the Hong Kong colonial authorities and medical community did not immediately accept the theory of etiology based on germ theory. Although germ theory was becoming scientifically established through research on plague and malaria in the 1890s, the Hong Kong colonial authorities and medical community did not immediately accept it.
Patrick Manson (1844-1922) began studying tropical medicine based on germ theory by studying elephantiasis and malaria in Amoi and Hong Kong during the 1880s. However, he was unable to strongly advocate for a quarantine policy based on germ theory because the exact transmission routes of these diseases were not yet fully understood. Although the scientific community began to shift towards germ theory after the discovery of causative bacteria for diseases like malaria and plague in the 1880s and 1890s, many medical and colonial health officials in Hong Kong still held on to the quarantine policy based on miasma theory. However, a series of infectious diseases and destructive miasma theory-based quarantine measures were pushing Hong Kong society into chaos, and the existing quarantine measures was no longer sustainable.
In the twentieth century, colonial authorities and medical community in Hong Kong adopted tropical medicine and quarantine measures based on germ theory as their prominent position. Despite the establishment of tropical disease theory based on germ theory, racial perceptions of disease did not change significantly. Instead, the theory of tropical medicine reinforced orientalist views of disease.

If public health can be defined as “all activities to ensure universal medical use of the people and protect and promote health,” it can be said that public health emerged in the process of developing the concept of hygiene in East Asia. While traditional hygiene emphasized individual curing and longevity, modern hygiene was the state in charge of individual body and discipline. East Asian countries had to practice modern tasks in the field of hygiene and medical care in line with the construction of modern countries, and it was considered legitimate for modern countries to intervene in individual bodies. As the demand for modern national construction became stronger, interest in public health rather than personal hygiene increased.
In East Asia, a new interpretation of the concept of hygiene began in Japan. Sensai Nagayo(1838-1902) newly defined the concept of ‘sanitation’ to justify the physical intervention of the modern state in Meiji period. The concept of ‘public health’ began to be used in earnest in 1890, when Ogai Mori(1862-1922) translated Western-style health protection measures for the public as public health. Since then, public health has evolved into a universal social discourse in Japan. Japan’s public health expanded to colonial Joseon, Taiwan, and China. Japan’s victory in the Sino-Japanese War led East Asian countries to believe that hygiene was the root of the Japanese nation’s power. In the early 20th century, the government of the Republic of China began to imitate the case of Japan while promoting modern education reform and institutional reform. Japanese-style ‘public health’ was transplanted into various hygiene laws and sanitary equipment.
In Korea, modern hygiene was introduced and spread from the end of the 19th century to the first half of the 20th century, and the concept of ‘public health’ in Japan was mainly spreading. Public health in Japan was vaguely defined as an activity to protect and promote the health of the people, but in practice, it was focused on improving quarantine and environmental infrastructure. In response, the concept of American-style public health, which values prevention and treatment at the same time, has already begun to emerge under the Japanese colonial rule.
In East Asia in the 1920s and 1930s, Japanese-style public health and American-style public health discourse competed, and measures to solve medical inequality were discussed in earnest. Interestingly, in common in East Asian countries, Actual Medical Expenses Campaigns to improve medical access at low cost and social medicine to universally provide prevention and treatment to the people have drawn attention. This was also a phenomenon caused by intensifying medical inequality as rapid urbanization and industrialization progressed in East Asian countries in the first half of the 20th century. Although it was impossible to resolve social contradictions or move toward fundamental reform of the national medical system due to the nature of the private movement, the actual medical movement further imprinted the need for public health care in the country and society. Social medicine studied the effects and relationships of the social environment on diseases and health, and studied ways to promote public health by using preventive medicine and therapeutic medicine. If social medicine was supported by state power, it was possible to go forward with practice such as State Medicine like China, otherwise it would only be a civilian movement such as the People’s Health Movement, as in colonial Korea.
Liberation and the Korean War were a dramatic turning point in American-style health that led to Japanese-style hygiene. Immediately after Liberation, there was a discussion between the left and right camps over medical nationalization to enhance the publicity of medical care. The medical community was sympathetic to the nationalization of medical care, but due to the lack of medical personnel and financial resources, specific alternatives could not be proposed. As American-style health studies gradually expanded their influence after the Korean War, American-style public health, which emphasized prevention and treatment activities, became established, and efforts were made to establish a health center system.

The anti-cholera measures of 1969–70 represent one of the most unsuccessful quarantine cases in modern Korea. The military government, which overthrew the democratic government in 1961, tried to amend the Constitution aiming for a long-term seizure of power, and had to overcome the cholera crisis of 1969–70. Previous scholarship has emphasized the limitation of the state power when it came to controlling the cholera epidemic or the poor sanitation system of 1969–70. However, it is undeniable that the military government did have organizations, facilities, and human capital available. When a cholera epidemic broke out in 1963–64, the military government defended its people against cholera as part of the Revolutionary Tasks. Furthermore, it took counsel from a team of medical professionals knowledgeable in microbiology. In 1969, the possibility of bacteriological warfare by North Korea emerged while the government responded to cholera. To avoid this crisis, Park Chŏng-hŭi’s military government, which had been preparing for longterm rule, had to provide successful model in the cholera defense. For the military government, the concealment and distortion of infectious disease information was inevitable. Many other medical professionals trusted the activities of international organizations more than they did the government bodies, and the media accused the government of fabricating cholera death statistics. As the government failed to prevent the cholera crisis, it tightened its secrecy by concealing facts and controlling information.

The anti-cholera measures of 1969–70 represent one of the most unsuccessful quarantine cases in modern Korea. The military government, which overthrew the democratic government in 1961, tried to amend the Constitution aiming for a long-term seizure of power, and had to overcome the cholera crisis of 1969–70. Previous scholarship has emphasized the limitation of the state power when it came to controlling the cholera epidemic or the poor sanitation system of 1969–70. However, it is undeniable that the military government did have organizations, facilities, and human capital available. When a cholera epidemic broke out in 1963–64, the military government defended its people against cholera as part of the Revolutionary Tasks. Furthermore, it took counsel from a team of medical professionals knowledgeable in microbiology. In 1969, the possibility of bacteriological warfare by North Korea emerged while the government responded to cholera. To avoid this crisis, Park Chŏng-hŭi’s military government, which had been preparing for longterm rule, had to provide successful model in the cholera defense. For the military government, the concealment and distortion of infectious disease information was inevitable. Many other medical professionals trusted the activities of international organizations more than they did the government bodies, and the media accused the government of fabricating cholera death statistics. As the government failed to prevent the cholera crisis, it tightened its secrecy by concealing facts and controlling information.

No abstract available.

This paper examined whether the preventive measures taken by the Hong Kong's colonial authorities were legitimate during the 1894 Hong Kong plague epidemic, and illuminated the correlation between the plague epidemic and hospital space in Hong Kong in the late 19th century. The quarantine measures taken by the colonial authorities were neither a clear-cut victory for Western medicine nor for a rational quarantine based on scientific medical knowledge. Hong Kong's medical officials based on the miasma theory, and focused only on house-to-house inspections and forced quarantine or isolation, without encouraging people to wear masks and without conducting disinfection. Even after Hong Kong plague spread, the Hong Kong's colonial authorities were not interested in what plague bacilli were, but in where they were to be found and how to prevent and control an outbreak of the disease. The germ theory brought significant changes to the disease classification system. Until the 1890s, Hong Kong's colonial authority had classified cause of death mainly on the basis of symptoms, infectious diseases, parts of the body and diseases of systems. Microbiological analysis of the cause of death in Hong Kong was started by Hunter, a bacteriologist, in 1902. He used bacteriological tests with a microscope to analyze the cause of death. New disease recognition and medical recognition brought large changes to hospital space as well. In particular, from the 1880s to the early 1900s, Western medical circles witnessed shifts from miasma theory to the germ theory, thereby influencing Hong Kong's hospital spaces. As the germ theory took ground in Hong Kong in 1894, the bacteriological laboratory and isolation ward became inevitable facilities, and hospital space were reorganized accordingly. However, the colonial authorities and local elites' strategy was different. As a government bacteriologist, Hunter established a central facility to unify several laboratories and to manage urban space from ouside the hospital. On the contrary, the Tungwah Hospital tried to transform hospital space with isolation ward and Receiving Ward System as the eclectic form of Chinese and Western medicine. The 1894 Hong Kong plague promoted the introduction of germ theory and the reorganization of hospital space.
Asian Continental Ancestry Group ; Cause of Death ; Classification ; Communicable Diseases ; Disinfection ; Hong Kong* ; Humans ; Masks ; Plague* ; Quarantine

After the Liberation, the Korean economy was dependent on relief supplies and aid after the ruin of the colonial regime and war. The pharmaceutical business also searched for their share in the delivery of military supplies and the distribution of relief supplies. The supply-side pharmaceutical policy made the pharmaceutical market a wholesale business. The gravity of the situation led to an increased importation of medical supplies, and wholesalers took the lead in establishing the distribution structure, whereas consumers and pharmaceutical business were relatively intimidated. The aid provided by the International Cooperation Administration (ICA) marked a turning point in the Korean pharmaceutical industry after the middle of the 1950s. ICA supplied raw materials and equipment funds, while the pharmaceutical business imported advanced technology and capital. The government invited the local production of medical substances, whereas pharmaceutical businesses replaced imported medical substances with locally produced antibiotics. After the 1960s, the production of antibiotics reached saturation. Pharmaceutical businesses needed new markets to break through the stalemate, so they turned their attention to vitamins and health tonics as general pharmaceuticals, as these were suitable for mass production and mass consumption. The modernized patent medicine market after the Opening of Korea was transformed into the contemporized general pharmaceuticals market equipped with the up-to-date facilities and technology in 1960s. Pharmaceutical businesses had to advertise these new products extensively and reform the distribution structure to achieve high profits. With the introduction of TV broadcasting, these businesses invested in TV advertising and generated sizable sales figures. They also established retail pharmacy and chain stores to reform the distribution structure. The end result was a dramatic expansion of the general pharmaceuticals market. The market for vitamins and health tonics showed particularly explosive growth. As Korean industrial workers worked night and day to increase exports in the 1960s, they needed vitamins and health tonics for recovery from fatigue and to support vitality. The expansion of the general pharmaceuticals market was accompanied by increases in numbers of pharmaceutical companies. Competition intensified between pharmaceutical companies, leading some companies to search for new survival plans. The pharmaceutical industry underwent structural reform in 1960s, replacing imported medical substances with local products and inventing the new market of general pharmaceuticals. The market for vitamins and health tonics was increased, and a successful product could support a pharmaceutical company. On the contrary, a general pharmaceutical could affect the very existence of the company: if a company chased a popular product and the imitation bubble burst, then the company have lost its competitiveness in the world market.
Anti-Bacterial Agents ; Commerce ; Drug and Narcotic Control ; Drug Industry* ; Equipment and Supplies ; Fatigue ; Financial Management ; Gravitation ; Humans ; International Cooperation ; Korea ; Military Personnel ; Pharmacy ; Vitamins

The pharmaceutical administration under U.S Military Government in Korea and government of the Republic of Korea aimed at cleaning up the vestiges of Japanese imperialism which the pharmaceutical administration attached police administration and preparing with legal and systemic basis after the Korean liberation. The pharmaceutical bureau under U.S Military Government in Korea was reorganized as the independent division. The pharmaceutical bureau focused on preserving order, narcotics control and the distribution of relief drug. U.S Military Government proceeded supply side pharmaceutical policy for the distribution of relief drug without constructing human and material infrastructure. After the Korean War, Korean society asked the construction of system for nation building. Korean national assembly regulated National Medical Law(Gukmin uiryobeop) for promotion of public health in 1951. The Pharmaceutical Affairs Law(Yaksabeop) was regulated in 1953, and it prescribed the job requirement of pharmacist, apothecary, and drug maker and seller, and presented the frame of managing medical supplies. The Pharmaceutical Law originally planned the ideal pharmaceutical administration, but it rather secured the status of traditional apothecary, and drug maker and seller. On the contrary, though the Pharmaceutical Law guaranteed the traditional druggists, it did not materialize reproduction system such as educational and license system. It means that the traditional druggists would be degenerated in the near future. After the armistice agreement in 1953, Korean was in medical difficulties. Korean government was suffered from the deficiency of medical resources. Because of destruction of pharmaceutical facilities, Korean had to depend on United States and international aid. The Pharmaceutical Affairs Law did not cleaned up the vestiges of Japanese imperialism, and compromised with reality lacked human and material infrastructure. As a result, the law became the origin of pharmaceutical disputes such as pharmacist voluntary prescription, the separation of pharmacy and clinic, the compounding of traditional medicines, and the traditional pharmacist system. However, it was meaningful that the law was the turning point of the institutionalization of pharmaceutical administration after the Korean Liberation.
Asian Continental Ancestry Group ; Dissent and Disputes ; Drug and Narcotic Control ; Equipment and Supplies ; Humans ; Institutionalization* ; Jurisprudence ; Korea ; Korean War ; Licensure ; Military Personnel ; Narcotics ; Pharmacists ; Pharmacy ; Police ; Prescriptions ; Public Health ; Reproduction ; Republic of Korea ; United States

An interesting aspect of the many recent researches on the history of medicine in Korea is a concentration on oral histories, a trend that is sure to supplement the lack of medical documents and historical materials covering the modern period. This trend will also contribute to the invention of new approaches in the historiography of medicine. Although the fragments of oral testimony cannot be expected to give a perfect representation of historical reality, such "slices of life" help represent history from the viewpoint of ordinary people and members of the medical profession who are less often acknowledged. The recent researches that have taken oral testimony on the history of medicine in Korea have both racked up achievements as well as encountered limitations. First, many disciplines such as history, literature, cultural anthropology, folklore, sociology, and the history of medicine have used the technique of oral histories in the research approaches, and, especially since the start of the 2000s, have produced a variety of materials. The large amounts of raw materials published in these many disciplines are sure to bring even higher research achievements. Second, for the most part, oral history researches in the medical profession have concentrated on second-tier practitioners, such as midwives, apothecaries, and acupuncturists, and the experiences of such untypical sufferers as lepers and victims of germ and atomic warfare. While the oral history of more prominent medical figures tends to underline his or her story of success, the oral histories of minority participants in the medical profession and patients can reveal the truth that has remained veiled until now. It is especially meaningful that these oral histories enable researchers to reconstruct history from below, as it were. Third, the researches that take the oral history approach are intended to complement documentary records. Surprisingly, through being given the opportunity to tell their histories, the interviewees have frequently experienced the testimony as an act of self-healing. Formally, an oral history is not a medical practice, but in many cases the interviewee is able to realize his or her own identity and to affirm his or her own life's story. It is in this light that we need to pay attention to the possibilities of such a humanistic form of therapy. Finally, because the research achievements depend on oral materials, the objectivity and rationality of description take on an important research virtue. When conducting an oral history, the researcher partakes of a close relationship with interviewees through persistent contact and can often identify with them. Accordingly, the researcher needs to take care to maintain a critical view of oral materials and adopt an objective perspective over his or her own research object.
Achievement ; Anthropology, Cultural ; Complement System Proteins ; Folklore ; Historiography ; History of Medicine ; Humans ; Inventions ; Korea ; Light ; Midwifery ; Nuclear Warfare ; Sociology ; Virtues

During the first plague epidemic in Manchuria (1910-1911), Japanese Government-General in Korea had not reported a plague patient at all in official. This did not mean the preventive measure of colonial authorities was successful. Their prevention program and measure were operated inadequately. They focused on instigative and sometimes irrelevant aspects such as rat removal to restore order in the colony. The quarantine facility was insufficient so that some people could not be effectively isolated. The reason pneumonic plague did not spread from Manchuria to Korea was mostly because Chinese coolie did not enter Korea. The colonial government promulgated Jeonyeombyeong Yebangryeong (Preventive Regulation of Contagious Disease) in June 5, 1915. This regulation aimed at unitary control by police and was strengthened 10-day quarantine. After the March First Movement, the colonial government tried to change imperial policy to cultural policy. The military police and civilian police were bifurcated and governors took charge of health administration. However, sanitary police still played important role for preventive measure. The preventive policy of colonial government experienced important change from cholera epidemic between 1919 and 1920. The death toll of two years had exceeded 20,000 people. During the cholera outbreak of two years, quarantine and isolation were emerged as important tools to prevent disease transmission, and were well-appointed more now than before. To prevent cholera epidemic, the colonial government strengthened house-to-house inspection as well as seaport quarantine, train quarantine, passenger quarantine. House-to-house inspection detected sixty percentage of cholera patients. When the second Manchurian plague spread in Korea in 1920-1921, this plague was known to Korean people as pneumonic plague. The colonial government propagated and educated pneumonic plague, and urged to wear a mask through Heuksabyeong Yebang Simdeuk (The Notandum for Plague Prevention). The colonial government did not focused on rat removal any more. They pointed out Chinese coolie as a source of infection. Though they did not know exact information and analysis on pneumonic plague, the preventive measure of the second plague in Manchuria was successful due to the well-equipped disinfection system such as house-to-house inspection and nationwide quarantine made by cholera prevention. While the first prevention of plague in Manchuria was successful despite rubbish preventive system, the second prevention of plague in Manchuria was successful due to the well-equipped disinfection system in spite of occurring plague patients.
Animals ; Asian Continental Ancestry Group ; China ; Cholera ; Disinfection ; Fees and Charges ; Humans ; Korea ; Masks ; Military Personnel ; Plague ; Police ; Quarantine ; Rats