This article examines the life of Lee Jungsook, a Korean nurse, as a independence activist during the Japanese colonial period. Lee Jungsook(1896-1950) was born in Bukchung in Hamnam province. She studied at Chungshin girl's high school and worked at Severance hospital. The characteristics and culture of her educational background and work place were very important factors which influenced greatly the life of Lee Jungsook. She learned independent spirit and nationalism from Chungshin girls' high school and worked as nurse at the Severance hospital which were full of intense aspiration for Korea's independence. Many of doctors, professors and medical students were participated in the 3.1 Independence Movement. Lee Jungsook was a founding member of Hyulsungdan who tried to help the independence activists in prison and their families and worked as a main member of Korean Women's Association for Korean Independece and Kyungsung branch of the Korean Red Cross. She was sent to jail by the Japanese government for her independence activism. After being released after serving two years confinement, she worked for the Union for Women's Liberation as a founding member. Lee Joungsook was a great independence activist who had a nursing care spirit as a nurse.
Colonialism/*history ; *History of Nursing ; History, 20th Century ; Japan ; Korea

This paper traces how Koreans of north area became medical doctors in colonial Korea. Most of the past research have focused only on the well-known medical doctors, or even when they discussed a great number of doctors, many research tended to only pay attention to the explicit final results of those doctors. This research, on the other hand, includes ordinary medical doctors as well as the renowed ones, and adjusts the focus to the lifetime period of their growth and activities. As a result, the misunderstanding and obscurity about the Korean medical doctors of north area during this period have been cleared. The new characteristics of the Korean medical doctors of this period have been found, along with their embodiment of historical significance. At the time, Koreans had to get through a number of qualifications in order to become doctors. First is the unique background of origin in which the family held interest in the modern education and was capable of supporting it financially. Second is the long-term status of education that the education from elementary to high school was completed without interruption. Third is the academic qualification that among various institutions of higher education, medical science was chosen as a major. Fourth is the condition of career in which as the career as a doctor had consistently continued. Thus, in oder to become a modern medical doctor, Koreans had to properly complete these multiple steps of process. The group of Korean medical doctors in north area, which was formed after getting through these series of process, possessed a number of characteristics. Firstly, as the upper-middle classes constituted the majority of medical doctors in Korea, the societal status of doctors rose and the foundation for the career as a doctor to be persisted as the family occupation settled. Secondly, the research career and academic degree became the principal method to escape from the discrimination and hierarchy existed between doctors. A PhD degree, especially, was the significant mark for clearly displaying the abilities and outcomes of the doctors. Lastly, the research career, education experience, clinical training and such that the Korean doctors of the period had built up were weak at the time, however, they were important sources for the future medical science development. Indeed, after Liberation, the rapid settlement and growth of Korea's medical science field were largely beholden to thus. Therefore, the growth of the Koreans as doctors did not cease in colonial Korea, but instead continued onto the history of future generations. In spite of the fact that the Korean doctors's growth and activities were greatly limited under the forceful policy of colonial domination of the era, the efforts the Korean doctors had put were not in vain. Likewise, if we do not fix our attention at the dominating policy and system, but rather put together the actors' correspondence and struggles of the period, then the Korean doctors will be a part of the living history. Hereby, the clue to the paradox between the suppression of medical science in colonial Korea and its leap after Liberation can be untied.
Colonialism ; Education, Medical/*history ; Faculty/*history ; History, 20th Century ; Korea ; *Physicians ; Schools, Medical/*history

This paper aims to examine the preventive measures taken against the plague in colonial Korea, particularly as applied to the control of Chinese coolies in 1911, soon after the annexation. The Government General of Korea began preventive measures with a train quarantine in Shin'uiju and Incheon in response to the spread of the plague to the Southern Manchuria. Shin' uiju had become urbanized due the development of the transportation network, and the seaport of Incheon was the major hub for traffic with China. Examining the transportation routes for the entry and exit of Chinese to and from Korea makes clear the reason why the Korea Government General initiated preventive measures in mid-January, 1911. The Government General of Korea tried to block the entry of Chinese through the land border crossing with China and through ports of entry, primarily Incheon. During the implementation of the preventive measures, quarantine facilities were built, including a quarantine station and isolation facility in Incheon. It was also needed to investigate the population and residential locations of Chinese in Korea to prevent the spread of plague. A certificate of residence was issued to all Chinese in Korea, which they needed to carry when they travelled. The preventive measures against plague which broke out in Manchuria were removed gradually. However, there was no specific measures against Chinese coolies, those who had migrated from China to work in the spring in Korea. Still the Government General of Korea had doubt about an infection of the respiratory system. As a result, the labor market in colonial Korea underwent changes in this period. The Government General recruited Korean laborers, instead of Chinese coolies whose employment had been planned. This move explains the Government General's strong preventive measures against plague and uncertainty in the route of plague infection, which influenced subsequent regulations on the prohibition of Chinese coolies working on the public enterprise sites and the improvement of labor conditions for Korean laborers.
China/ethnology ; Colonialism ; History, 20th Century ; Humans ; Korea ; Plague/*history/*prevention & control ; Quarantine/*history

This paper explores the history of the biomedical construction of women's bodies as social bodies in the formation of colonial modernity in Korea. To do so, I engage with Michel Foucault's concepts of governmentality and biopolitics and the postcolonial history of medicine that has critically revisited these Foucauldian notions. These offer critical insights into the modern calculation of population and the biomedical gaze on female bodies on the Korean Peninsula under Japan's colonial rule (1910-1945). Foucauldian reflections on governmentality and colonial medicine can also shed light on the role of biomedical physicians in the advancement of colonial biopolitics. Biomedical physicians-state and non-state employees and colonizers and colonized alike - served as key agents investigating, knowing, and managing, as well as proliferating a discourse about, women's bodies and reproduction during Japan's empire-building. In particular, this paper sheds light on the processes by which Korean women's bodies became the objects of intense scrutiny as part of an attempt to quantify, as well as maximize, the total population in late colonial Korea. In the aftermath of the establishment of the Manchurian puppet state in 1932, Japanese imperial and colonial states actively sought to mobilize Koreans as crucial human resources for the further penetration of Japan's imperial holdings into the Chinese continent. State and non-state medical doctors meticulously interrogated, recorded, and circulated knowledge about the sexual and conjugal practices and reproductive life of Korean women in the agricultural sector, for the purposes of measuring and increasing the size, health, and vitality of the colonial population. At the heart of such medical endeavors stood the Investigative Committee for Social Hygiene in Rural Korea and Japan-trained Korean medical students/physicians, including Ch'oe Ug-sok, who carried out a social hygiene study in the mid-1930s. Their study illuminates the ways in which Korean women's bodies entered the modern domain of scientific knowledge at the intersection of Japan's imperialism, colonial governmentality, and biomedicine. A critical case study of the Investigative Committee's study and Ch'oe can set the stage for clarifying the vestiges as well as the reformulation of knowledge, ideas, institutions, and activities of colonial biopolitics in the divided Koreas.
Colonialism/*history ; Female ; Health Knowledge, Attitudes, Practice ; History, 20th Century ; *Human Body ; Humans ; Japan ; Korea ; Politics ; Reproduction ; Sexual Behavior ; Women/*history

Koii(Public Doctor) System introduced into Taiwan in 1896 for the purpose of filling up medical vacuum of rural area and therefore spreading modern medical system all over Taiwan, was transplanted in 1913 into Colonial Korea for the same purpose. In terms of system itself Koii system in both areas were almost the same, but quite different in practices. First, Koiis in Taiwan was forced to write concrete medical report every month on the medical situation in the area under jurisdiction, whereas to those in Korea writing monthly report was not so compulsory. This difference resulted in some gaps in the quality of medical statistics of the two areas. Second, Unlike their counterparts in Korea, Koiis in Taiwan organized their own associations both locally and nationally and it helped to build up their own networks and share informations on medical situation including informations on infectious diseases. Third, Koiis in Taiwan formed more harmonious relationship between Taiwanese Police than their counterparts in Korea, which helped them to execute various medical activities in more comfortable environment. Taiwanese People went to medical institutions a lot more frequently than Korean People, and this difference was basically derived from the quite different density of Koii assignment in both areas. Korean People had to spend more time and money to utilize modern medical institutions than Taiwanese People did. The different density of Koii assignment also affected the results of prevention and eradication of infectious diseases; in Taiwan plague and small-pox has been successfully controled, whereas Chosun Government-general was not so successful in controling infectious diseases including small-pox. Small-pox infectee in Korea was about 6 times to Taiwan, and the number of death by small-pox was 9 times to Taiwan. One of the keys to this difference is the different role of Koiis. In Korea, Koiis could do little thing about infectious diseases mainly because of manpower shortage, thus shifting their duties like vaccination onto police officers who was inevitably inferior to doctors in medical terms, whereas vaccination was led by Koiis in Taiwan, with the help of police officers and traditional doctors. The difference between Korea and Taiwan in terms of Koii system and its effect implies that public health network in colonial Taiwan was better organized and more stable than that in colonial Korea, and therefore we should be careful about applying the concept of disciplinary power or modernization theory to colonial medical history of Korea.
Colonialism/*history ; History, 19th Century ; History, 20th Century ; Korea ; Physicians ; Public Health/*history ; Taiwan

It was the late Chosun Dynasty and Daehan Empire era that Western Medicine has firstly been introduced to Korea, previously operating on a basis of Korean traditional medicine. Western Medicine has been introduced by American missionary and Japanese Imperialism. An introduction of Western Medicine made it feasible to proceed new type medical care including operation, leading to require a new form of medical facilities. In the beginning, new facilities were constructed by Japanese Imperialism. Other hand many of facilities including Severance Hospital were established by missionaries. First of all, Daehan Empire established and managed a modern type of medical facility named "Jejoongwon" in 1885 as a government institution hospital. The Red Cross Hospital built in 1889. Afterwards, Jejoongwon and the Red Cross Hospital were taken over to missionary hospital and Japanese Imperialism, respectively. Japanese Imperialists firstly have protected their nationals residing in Chosun but have proceeded care a few Chosun people to exploit medical treatment as a mean to advertise superiority of the Empire of Japan. The facility that has firstly been established and managed was Jeseang Hospital in Busan in 1877, leading to establish in Wonju, Wonsan, and Mokpo. Afterwards, Japan has organized "Donginhoi" as a civil invasion organization, leading for "Donginhoi" to established "Dongin Hospital" in Pyeongyang, Daegu, and Seoul. Since 1909, governmental leading medical facility named Jahye Hospital was established according to an imperial order, leading to establish 32 hospitals all over the nation. American missionaries have established and managed 28 hospitals started from Severance Hospital built in 1904. However, Chosun doctors started to having educated and opening up their own hospital since 1920, leading for many of medical facilities to be established, but most of them have taken different roles followed by 6.25 War and economic development period. However, some of them are currently under protection as cultural assets, and some of them are now preserved. Buildings have originally been structured of wood as a single story in the beginning, but bricks started to be steadily used, leading to build two story building. Each of clinic department started to be separated since 1920, establishing operation room and treatment room. Now, a change of perception as to buildings that need to be preserved and an attention from government and doctors are required since modern medical facilities keep disappearing.
Colonialism/*history ; History, 19th Century ; History, 20th Century ; Hospital Design and Construction/*history ; Hospitals/history ; Humans ; Missions and Missionaries/history

Je Jung Won was the first modern-style Government hospital built by the Korean King Ko-Jong in April 1885, and it was the medical missionary Horace Newton Allen(1858~1932) who made one of the greatest contributions to the establishment of the hospital. Allen was an American missionary. He graduated from Ohio Wesleyan University with a degree in theology in 1881, and completed one-yearcourse at Miami Medical College. In Korea and America he worked as a physician, a missionary, an American diplomatic minister to Korea and a Korean minister's secretary to America. While acting as a mediator between Korea and America, he knew and recorded the domestic and foreign situation of Korea during Gaehwagi(the civilized and enlightened age). Thus to study him is to understand Korea's Gaehwagi as well as to research American medical missionaries. During his stay in Korea(1884~1905), Allen steadily wrote diaries and letters about Korean politics, diplomacy, society, culture, and medicine. Thus his public/private record through diaries and letters(the quantity of these materials amounts to several thousands) supplements the Korean early modern era's historical record. However, until now these materials have received little scholarly attention from researchers except for a few historians of missionary work between Korea and America, or of Korean modern medicine. I intended to use these materials to suggest a new perspective on the study of Korean Gaehwagi. Allen, along with John W. Heron, who came to Seoul on June 21st 1885, treated about 10,460 Korean patients in the first year of the opening of JeJungWon. They made "the first annual report of the Korean Government Hospital". This report explained how Allen and Heron regarded and treated Korean patients. Allen's diaries, letters and other writings offer a realistic view of how the western people actually recognized the Korean people at that time. As a western doctor, Allen had an ambivalent attitude toward Korean medical concepts and systems. On the one hand, he thought that medical idea, some food and drug of Korean is valuable. He said that the native Korea faculty had some good ideas with regards to treatment. And he held Korean rice, ginseng, and so on in high regard. However, he did not rate Korean acupuncture and Korean traditional ointment at all. In addition, he sometimes cured Korean patients dangerously and with imprudence. The amputation of patients' body, no matter how little, must ask the permission of the patients themselves. Especially, the sense of Korean filial duty couldn't accept amputation of body at those times. The artificial change of body meant to hurt parents' body, because at those times Korean people thought that my body was my parent's possession. But Allen did it without enough explanation or persuasion. Moreover he didn't feel guilty for the behavior at all. Besides, he seemed to be proud of it in the above mention. Such careless or unethical behavior cannot be excused. On the other hand, he had made mistakes in treatment according to his record. He pulled out some healthy teeth of patients who had a bad toothache. But he didn't explain nor apologize the mistake. Besides, he refused treatment of patients until the hospital would be opened in order to push Korean government to prepare hospital quickly. Why or how did he do that? The first answer available to the question, he might be so confident of his medical knowledge and skill that he didn't feel the need to ask the patients' thought and will. However, as stated above, his medical study was just one year. And he worried about his inexperience of surgery. Thus the first assumption seems to be false. He wasn't confident of his medical knowledge. The fact that nevertheless Allen treated Korean patients at his will, is still blamable. The second assumption is that he regarded western modern medicine as the only correct and proper approach. He didn't have many experiences, but his west modern medicine made him proud of its achievement. After middle 19th century of modern times, Micheal Foucault said at The Birth of Clinics, western modern medicine believed itself scientific on the ground that west modern medicine could have pathology and surgery. Allen might also trust the scientific ability of western modern medicine. So he might think that he didn't need to explain 'modern and scientific' medicine of West to people in 'premodern and non-scientific' medicine of Korea. The third answer is his 'Orientalism'. He thought that Koreans were dirty, lazy, and barbarous and, therefore, he made a clear distinction between Caucasian and Korean. He set his affection on 'Cho-Seon' and made efforts to cure Korean patients and establish the first western Government hospital in Korea. However he, as a westerner, could not free himself from 'Orientalism' and 'Imperialism'. Thus, he might ride so roughshod Korean patients. In fact the 'Orientalism' was not only Allen's thought. Many western visitors thought Korean as an 'Orient'. The West regarded themselves as civilized and the East as uncivilized or barbarous, therefore the West thought that the East should be modernized with the help of the West. This thought rationalized their imperialism and colonialism toward the East. In addition, he seemed to have some ambition in politics and diplomatics. He wanted to be a high-ranking official, so his goal of his life was political or economical power rather than medical missionary.
Clinical Medicine/history ; Colonialism/history ; Democratic People's Republic of Korea ; History of Medicine ; History, 19th Century ; History, 20th Century ; Hospitals/history ; *Human Body ; Humans ; Politics ; *Recognition (Psychology) ; Religion and Medicine ; Republic of Korea ; United States

Although it is not certain when malaria began to appear in Korea, malaria is believed to have been an endemic disease from ancient times. It was Dr. H. N. Allen (1858-1932) who made the first description and diagnosis of malaria in terms of Western medicine. In his first year report (1885) of Korean Government Hospital he mentioned malaria as the most prevalent disease. Very effective anti-malarial drug quinine was imported and it made great contribution in treating malaria. After Japan had annexed Korea in 1910, policies for public health system were fundamentally revised. Japan assumed control of Korean medical institutions and built high-quality Western hospitals for the health care of Japanese residents. The infectious diseases which were under special surveillance were cholera, typhoid fever, dysentery, typhus, scarlet fever, smallpox, and paratyphoid fever. Among chronic infectious diseases tuberculosis and leprosy were those under special control. Malaria, however, was not one of these specially controlled infectious diseases although it was widely spread throughout the peninsula. But serious studies on malaria were carried out by Japanese medical scientists. In particular, a Japanese parasitologist Kobayasi Harujiro(1884-1969) carried out extensive studies on human parasites, including malaria, in Korea. According to his study, most of the malaria in Korea turned out to be tertian fever. In spite of its high prevalence, malaria did not draw much attention from the colonial authorities and no serious measure was taken since tertian fever is a mild form of malaria caused by Plasmodium vivax and is not so much fatal as tropical malaria caused by P. falciparum. And tertian malaria was easily controlled by taking quinine. Although the majority of malaria in Korea was tertian fever, other types were not absent. Quartan fever was not rarely reported in 1930s. The attitude of colonial authorities toward malaria in Korea was contrasted with that in Taiwan. After Japan had set out to colonize Taiwan as a result of Sino-Japanese war, malaria in Taiwan was a big obstacle to the colonization process. Therefore, a lot of medical scientists were asked to engage the malaria research in order to handle health problems in colonized countries caused by malaria. Unlike the situation in Taiwan, malaria in Korea did not cause a serious health problem as in Taiwan. However, its risk was not negligible. In 1933 there were almost 130,000 malaria patients in Korea and 1,800 patients among them died of malaria. The Japanese Government General took measures to control malaria especially during the 1930s and the number of patients decreased. However, as Japan engaged in the World War II, the general hygienic state of the society worsened and the number of malarial patients increased. The worsened situation remains the same after Liberation (1945) and during the Korean war (1950-53).
Colonialism/history ; History, 19th Century ; History, 20th Century ; Humans ; Korea ; Malaria/diagnosis/drug therapy/*history ; Malaria, Vivax/diagnosis/drug therapy/history ; Microscopy, Polarization ; Plasmodium malariae/isolation & purification ; Plasmodium ovale/isolation & purification ; Plasmodium vivax/isolation & purification ; Quinine/history/therapeutic use

This article examined i) how traditional medico-pharmaceutical custom from the late 19th century influenced such changes, ii) how medical laws of Daehan Empire and early colonial period influenced the differentiation of medico-pharmaceutical profession, and iii) what the responses of medico-pharmaceutical professionals were like, and arrived at following conclusions. First, in late Chosun, there was a nationwide spread of pharmacies (medicine room, medicine store) as general medical institutions in charge of prescription and medication as well as diagnosis. Therefore, Koreans' perception of Western medicine was not very different from that of traditional pharmacy. Second, Western pharmacies were established by various entities including oriental doctors, Western doctors and drug manufacturers. Their business ranged from medical consultation, prescription, medication and drug manufacture. This was in a way the extension of traditional medico-pharmaceutical custom, which did not draw a sharp line between medical and pharmaceutical practices. Also, regulations on medical and pharmaceutical business of Daehan Empire did not distinguish oriental and Western medicine. Third, clinics attached to pharmacy began to emerge after 1908, as some Western pharmacies that had grown their business based on selling medicine began to hire doctors trained in Western medicine. This trend resulted from Government General's control over medico-pharmaceutical business that began in 1908, following a large-scale dismissal of army surgeons trained in medical schools in 1907. Fourth, as specialization increased within medico-pharmaceutical business following the colonial medical law in early 1910s, such comprehensive business practices as Western pharmacy disappeared and existing businesses were differentiated into dealers of medical ingredients, drug manufacturer, patent medicine businessmen and herbalists. And private practice gradually became the general trend by establishment of medical system with doctors at the pinnacle and spread of modern Western medicine, and support of capitalists.
Colonialism/history ; History, 19th Century ; History, 20th Century ; Humans ; Pharmacy/*history ; Technology, Pharmaceutical/history

This paper aims to examine the spread of paragonimiasis and the Japanese colonial government's response to it. To consolidate colonial rule, the Japanese colonial government needed medications to cure paragonimiasis. When Dr. Ikeda Masakata invented acid emetine to cure paragonimiasis in Manchuria in 1915, emetine treatment carried the risk of emetine poisoning such as fatigue, inappetence, heart failure, and death. Nonetheless, Japanese authorities forced clinical trials on human patients in colonial Korea during the 1910s and 1920s. The emetine poisoning accident in Yeongheung and Haenam counties in 1927 occurred in this context. The Japanese government concentrated on terminating an intermediary host instead of injecting emetine to repress endemic disease in Japan. However, the Japanese colonial government pushed ahead with emetine injections for healthy men through the Preliminary Bureau of Land Research in colonial Korea in 1917. This clinical trial simultaneously presented the effects and the side effects of emetine injection. Because of the danger emetine injections posed, the colonial government investigated only the actual condition of paragonimiasis, delaying the use of emetine injection. Kobayashi Harujiro(1884-1969), a leading zoologist and researcher of endemic disease for three decades in the Government General Hospital and Keijo Imperial University in colonial Korea, had used emetine while researching paragonimiasis, but he did not play a leading role in clinical trials with emetine injections, perhaps because he mainly researched the intermediary host. Government General Hospital and Keijo Imperial University therefore faced limitations that kept them from leading the research on endemic disease. As the health administration shifted the central colonial government to local colonial government, the local colonial government pressed ahead with emetine injections for Korean patients. Emetine poisoning had something to do with medical power's localization. Nevertheless, the central colonial government still supported emetine injections with funds from the national treasury. The emetine poisoning accident that occurred simultaneously in two different regions resulted from the Japanese colonial government's support. This accident represented the Japanese colonial rule's atrocity, its suppression of hygiene policies, and its disdain for colonial inhabitants. The colonial government sought to accumulate medical knowledge not to cure endemic disease, but to expand the Japanese Empire.
Clinical Trials as Topic/history ; Colonialism/*history ; Emetine/*history/poisoning/therapeutic use ; Endemic Diseases/*history ; History, 20th Century ; Human Experimentation/history ; Humans ; Japan ; Korea ; Male ; Paragonimiasis/drug therapy/*history