Two centuries ago doctors perceived themselves quite differently as they do today. Doctor's identity in modern Western society shaped from the modernization of medicine starting in the nineteenth century. Modern medicine as practiced today was established from 1800 to the World War I. In the eighteenth century three medical groups (physicians surgeons and apothecaries) struggled to elevate their position and to organize their education. Surgery and surgical education in hospitals developed greatly while physicians tried to theorize their own medical system in the eighteenth century. In the early nineteenth century hospital medicine emerged hospitals moved from the place for the poor and the social inadequate to the center of medical education and research. Especially French hospitals became the birth places of clinico-pathology new diagnosis with stethoscope careful observation and the numerical method. The influence of the hospital medicine spread from France to England. America and other parts of Europe. After the birth of clinic in France laboratory medicine emerged in Germany, France, Britain and the United States. Surpassing other nations Germany developed university-centered laboratory research system. Most of all the reward and status of the laboratory researchers were established so that they could concentrate on their research. Although other countries were influenced by German system and knowledge they did not develop research system at the same degree as Germany. Rise of scientific medicine transformed self-perception of doctors. Science made a great impact not only on the doctors' practice of medicine but also on the public's perception of medicine and doctors. In the late nineteenth century new discoveries and new armament of scientific medicine marched through antiseptic surgery tropical medicine new laboratories antitoxin therapies from immunology the rise of pharmaceutical industry and the discovery of X-ray. Payment system also was changed with the rise of national health insurance system in Europe. Finally the advancement of scientific medicine in the late nineteenth century brought changes in medical education specialization and doctor-patient relationship. One of the important changes in doctor-patient relationship occurred between female patients and male obstetrician. In the mid-eighteenth century childbearing as expressed in the term "brought to bed" was women's business. Midwives and women relatives took care of laboring women. As scientific medicine arose male doctors began to enter the laboring room previously forbidden area to men. As Leavitt showed women began to go to the hospital not passively but rather actively willing to give birth surrounded by impersonal environment and strangers. The emergence of the modern medical education was related to the sociological development of the medical profession. The complex process of the maturation of American medical education occurred over a century and a half and involved interests and ideals of different groups. Back to the mid-nineteenth century several important factors constituted the infrastructure for the development of modern medical education a revolution in experimental medicine in Europe the emergence of an academic elite who had studied laboratory medicine in Germany the emergence of the modern university in America the development of the school system for public education the beginning of some rich industrialists' philanthropy. The medical education reform movement was accomplished not only by a few elites but also by the public and policy makers. Science in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries contributed to elevate the social statue of the profession by changing public images of physicians. As a result the public and the state supported the solidification of modern medical education that led to the professionalization of doctors. By the end of the Second World War doctors identified themselves as a highly-professionalized powerful and relatively autonomous group in Western society

The purpose of this paper is to deal with two questions concerning the relation of philosophy and medicine in ancient greece. (1) Which influences had philosophy on medicine? (2) Whom did attack the author of On the ancient medicine? And (3) was his criticism right? (1) Philosophy's influences was twofold. (a) As early Greek philosophers had explained natural phenomena by natural elements without recourse to any supernatural god so authors of Hippocratic Works also had sought to explain diseases. They had replaced magical and religious medicine with rational medicine by virtue of rational explanation. This seems to have represented medicine's debt to philosophy. (b) Many medical authors primarily had studied the nature of human i.e. the basic constituents of the body since they had thought the very same to be causes of diseases. This aspect shows the conspicuous influence of philosophy. Because it was the nature of cosmos i.e. the source or basic constituent that early Greek philosophers had searched to explain cosmos and all natural phenomena in it. (2) On the other hand the author of On the ancient medicine attacks physicians that are influenced by cosmology of early Greek philosophers. The point of his criticism in Chapter 1 is that 'philosophical physicians' postulate one or two constituents of the body as the primary cause of men's diseases. Then are physicians that postulate various constituents free from the author's criticism? At least according to Chapter 20 it is not so. He seems to criticize physicians in general who proceed by the hypothetical method. He contrasts this method with the method of trial and error and asserts that this is of medicine but that is of philosophy. (3) Although this methodological separation was right in a sense at least the opinion of the author seems to be extreme. Because medicine can't be science if it does not make use of any hypothesis. And philosophical physicians or early Greek philosophers does not seems to be such dogmatic as the author thinks. First of all they did not exclude the method of experience. Their method was both empirical and speculative. They postulated some constituents by speculation based on experience and had a device to avoid danger of dogmatism that their theory might have It is critical thinking. It's obvious evidence is their various thinking concerning the basic constituents. The same is applied to philosophical physicians. Thus the harmonious relation of medicine and philosophy had seemed to be maintained in antiquity even though the author of On the ancient medicine attacked philosophical physicians so severely and attempted to separate medicine from philosophy.

YANG Bong-keun (1897-1982) had lived as a medical doctor and a social and public health reformer during the turbulent period of the port to the western society occupation by and liberation from Japan and the partition of the Korean Peninsular He actively participated in the March First Movement Shinganhoe and other activities for Korea's liberation from Japan. He also founded Bogunwoondongsa an organization for public health movement for Korean people and published Bogeunwoondong. a magazine for introducing and educating new ideas and knowledge of health for Korean people. After the defeat of Japan in the World War II he worked for the protection and repatriation of Korean residents in the Manjoo area as a head of policy division of the Northeastern office of the Korean Provisional Government He also participated in the foundation of Yanbian Hospital and medical school for Korean-Chinese in China His holistic approach of health and public health movement accentuation of preventive medicine and a body under his/her own will public health movement as a part of everyday life movement and minjoong oriented humanism were closely linked with the idea of social medicine that originated from the European society in the 19th century. Those are also valuable ideas to be considered and implemented in this time Moreover his effort of health for Korean people on the way of modernization and liberation of Korea provides an example of being a respectable health reformer and pioneer of social medicine

In the 1960-70s, South Korea was still in the position of a science latecomer. Although the scientific research environment in South Korea at that time was insufficient, there was a scientist who achieved outcomes that could be recognized internationally while acting in South Korea. He was Ho Wang Lee(1928~ ) who found Hantann Virus that causes epidemic hemorrhagic fever for the first time in the world. It became a clue to identify causative viruses of hemorrhagic diseases that were scattered here and there throughout the world. In addition, these outcomes put Ho Wang Lee on the global center of research into epidemic hemorrhagic fever. This paper examines how a Korean scientist who was in the periphery of virology could go into the central area of virology. Also this article shows the process through which the virus found by Ho Wang Lee was registered with the international academia and he proceeded with follow-up research based on this progress to reach the level at which he generalized epidemic hemorrhagic fever related studies throughout the world. While he was conducting the studies, experimental methods that he had never experienced encountered him as new difficulties. He tried to solve the new difficulties faced in his changed status through devices of cooperation and connection. Ho Wang Lee's growth as a researcher can be seen as well as a view of a researcher that grew from a regional level to an international level and could advance from the area of non-mainstream into the mainstream. This analytic tool is meaningful in that it can be another method of examining the growth process of scientists in South Korea or developing countries.
Developing Countries ; Follow-Up Studies ; Hantaan virus ; Hemorrhagic Fever with Renal Syndrome* ; Korea* ; Methods ; Virology

No abstract available.

This paper reviews historiographies on Greek medicine and aims at understanding the Hippocratic tradition. In western medicine, Hippocrates has always been an ideal of the physicians. While the importance of Hippocrates has declined with the advance of modern medical knowledge and he is no longer assumed to be the man of all medical wisdom, his name still represents an ethical code and the importance of the works associated with his name becomes still alive. The Hippocratic collections, Corpus Hippocraticum, throw light not only on the origins and early development of classical medicine, but on its place in Greek society. In the course of reviewing, some issues about the Corpus, including 'the Hippocratic Question', shall be discussed. Although numerous modern scholars have attempted to identify within the Corpus the genuine works of Hippocrates himself -a problem that already had exercised the ancient commentators including Galen-, none have succeeded in this attempt definitely. The Corpus is evidently the works of many medical writers, belonging to different groups or schools and representing quite opposed viewpoints. Thus apart from the school of Cos, associated with Hippocrates himself, the rival school of Cnidus was probably responsible for several of the works in the Corpus. But Hippocrates and the Corpus were regarded as more or less coextensive, and although a scholar in citing a text as authority might remark that it was thought not to be by Hippocrates, he would cite it none the less. Regarding this point, I have examined some trends grouping the Corpus in the Hippocratic tradition in the fourth section. From the point of Hippocratic tradition, Galen's position marked a turning point. What was crucial was that Galen saw him as the originator of rational medicine. And in the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries there were many leading medical writers who continued to express their admiration for Hippocrates including Paracelsus, Sydenham, and Boerhaave. They admired Hippocrates because of his detailed clinical observations and the examples he set of the doctor's devotion and concern for his patients. But one must distinguish between the idealization of Hippocrates as a doctor and the idealization of him as a medical and biological theorist. It is one thing to represent him as a skillful physician and it is another to accept his views on problem of medical theory. Modern scholarship could have distinguished both between different phases in the growth of Hippocrates' reputation and between the different pictures of Hippocrates that were presented.

It is not certain when the science of dermatology began in our country due to lack of written evidence. However, it probably began with the first establishment of new modern western style medical school in Korea in 1899. The first person who taught the science of dermatology was Dr. Ik-Nam Kim who was educated at Chikeikai Medical School in Japan and became a medical teacher after coming back to Korea in April 1900. The first known dermatologist in Korea was Dr. Kyung-Sun Oh. He entered Louisville Medical School in Louisville, Kentucky, USA in 1902 and he had internship training at Louisville City Hospital after graduation from the medical school in 1907. When he came back to Korea, he was the first dermatologist but the sixth medical doctor after Jae-Pil Seo, Ik-Nam Kim, Sang-Ho Ahn, Ester Park, and Jong-Won Park. The science of dermatology recognized as an individual course was took place in 1910 when the Uihakkyo(Medical School) was affiliated with Daehan Hospital medical school and announced as an independent course. However, there was no dermatologist in that clinic. The evidence of individual dermatology grade was shown on their grade cards in the class of 1911 which was second graduate from Severance Hospital Medical School. However, the only person taught in Severance Medical School was Dr. OR Avison who was not a dermatologist. When the Daehan Hospital was reorganized and changed name into Government-General Hospital in 1910, Hazime Arai was appointed an attending dermatologist to the clinic but he resigned immediately. The next person who was appointed a dermatologist was Susumu Watanabe in 1913 and he became a professor and chairman in the department when the school promoted to Kyungsung Medical College in 1916. Yasushi Hirota was the next person who was appointed in dermatology department when Susumu Watanabe was resigned in 1924. However Yataba Kataoka was reappointed in that department when Yasushi Hirota moved to Kyungsung Imperial University Medical School as an attending professor with new establishment of the Dermato-urology department in 1928. Isamu Moriyasu followed by Nobuhira Kusarai was the head of professors in Taegu Medical College and Tatsuo Nishiyama was in Pyungyang Medical College. All of national and state government supported medical schools were operated by Japanese chairman. The Korean faculty members in medical schools were as follows. As Korean faculty members in Kyungsung Medical College, Kyo-Chang Kim was an assistant in 1913 and Young-Sun Joo was entered as an assistant in 1916 but became a 'Wuiwon' until 1924. Won-Seok Oh was assistant professor from 1926 to 1928. After resignation from the College, he gave lectures as an instructor from 1928 to 1932. Other than Won-Seok Oh, there were two other members working as instructor in the College. Jin-Ku Hong from 1929 to 1930 and Sung-Whan Kim from 1933 to 1940 worked as instructors. There were six to seven members of Korean working as assistants besides Jae-Woong Chung. In Kyungsung Imperial University Medical School, Jae-Ui Choi started with deputy assistant in 1935 then resigned at the day when he was appointed an assistant on May 11th, 1940. Bong-Ung Kim and Ung-Yun Kim started with deputy assistants then resigned as assistants. Sang-Yo Lee, Young-Sik Cho, Byung-Hak Cho, and Tong-II Park started and resigned as deputy assistants. Doo-Sik Park, Tae-Boo Lee, and Sun-Bong Seo were the dermatologist from Taegu Medical College. Sang-Yo Lee, Tae-Ha Woo, and Moo-Seup Cha graduated from Pyungyang Medical College. The Uro-Genito-Dematology department in Severance Union Medical School was established by the first Korean dermatologist, Kyung-Sun Oh on May 14th 1917. Young-Joon Lee entered as an assistant in 1927 and became an assistant professor in 1929. He was promoted to professor in 1932 and chairman of the department in 1934. He became the 3rd dean of the Medical School in 1943. Hak-Song Lee started with title of the assistant professor in 1939 then became a chairman when he was promoted to professor in 1943. Eul-Sung Kim and Yu-Sun Yun were appointed assistants. Since 1927, about twenty doctors had been trained in the dermatology field. This was only Korean dermatology group. In Kyungsung Women's Medical College, Sung-Whan Kim was the first Professor since the College started and worked until the liberation from Japanese occupation as a chairman in Uro-Dermatology department. It is the record of the development of dermatology in Korea from 1876 to the year 1945.

This paper refers to the History on the Lecture of History of Medicine at Kyungpook National University School of Medicine since 1961 when assistant professor KIM Jyung-Myung, MD of Department of Clinical Pathology started this lecture of history of medicine to the freshman class to improve the medical morality among professors, students and physicians after the nation-wide 4 19 revolution against dictatorial government. At that time an immoral faculty and several government patronized faculties were expulsed by students on the above revolution. On the lecture dictation was used for the first time and merged to prints(KIM Jay-Sik, MD and KIM Jyung-Myung, MD), followed by published textbook(1979, revised on 1986) of Professor KIM Jyung-Myung. However our department faculties haven't entered the Korean Society for the History of Medicine until this time because of short of manpower and lack of the independent department(Department of History of Medicine). We are going to set up the Department at our Medical School in 1998 and to study about the improvement of medical education through the lecture of the history of medicine on the comparison of the current oriental and western medicine, and the unification of Korean medical system(modern medicine and Chinese medicine).

Modern nursing, which specializes nursing in medicine and has the characteristics of profession, has been constructed during the time of modernization. To see how Korean modern nursing was constructed from the late 19th century to 1910 makes us understand the change that Korean society experienced during that time, and the historical origin of today's Korean nursing. We will see the nursing in the modern hospitals in Korea during the time, specially four governmental hospitals. JeJoongWon, the first Korean modern hospital, 1885-1894, did not specialize nursing. Because of the neo-Confucian ethos by which unrelated men and women were to be completely segregated, JeJoongWon needed medical women. JeJoongWon tried to solve the problem by governmental women-slaves, but failed. American missionary nurse acted as a supervisor of women's department, not as a nurse. Governmental Infectious Disease Hospitals were constructed during the cholera epidemic of Korea in 1895. At first, Korean government planned to hire Korean ordinary men as nurses. In the governmental infectious disease hospitals of Seoul, Western missionary nurses, Western missionaries and Korean ordinary people acted as nurses. KwangJeWon, 1899-1907, began with the characteristics of HwalInSeo, traditional institute for the poor, and incorporated some Western medical techniques. wangJeWon had no specialized nursing. KwangJeWon had special unit for the communicable diseased patients, and the relatives of patients nursed in the unit. KwangJeWon changed to be a Western style hospital, and in 1906, it hired three Japanese nurses. Korean Red Cross Hospital, 1905-1907, specialized nursing, but who were appointed as nursing personnel were Korean men who had never been trained as nurses. DaiHan Hospital, 907-1910, had specialized nursing, qualified nurses and midwives, school for nurses and midwives. DaiHan Hospital showed almost everything of modern nursing. However Japanese had strong influence on DaiHan Hospital, and most of personnels of the hospital were Japanese. So nursing at DaiHan Hospital regarded the need of Japanese more than the need of Koreans. From 1885 to 1910, nursing in Korean governmental hospitals became modern, that is, of specialization and professionalization. This process was not so much different from that of the Western world. During this time, Korea became Japanese colony, and which made Korean modern nursing different from that of the Western world.

The introduction and practice of smallpox(cowpox) vaccination was officially done in 1879 by Chi Seok-young, but we know that already in 1835 Cheong Yak-yong, a great scholar and politician of the late period of Chos?n, got a small pamphlet about cowpox vaccination named New Treatise on the Smallpox Vaccination from Beijing. The second edition of the pamphlet was published in 1828 in Beijing. According to Kim Du Jong and Miki Sakae, Cheong Yak-yong might have got it through Korean Roman Catholic group corresponding with the French Catholic Missionary in Beijing but hided it secretly for the official oppression to the Catholicism. Cheong was a member of the group of young scholars that introduced Catholicism into Korea in 1784 and leaded this movement for a time, but officially betrayed his faith since 1791. So there is little historical documents to support the claim that two conflicting groups of scholars continue to debate. One group argues that Cheong betrayed his faith completely and left the Church since the persecution of Sinyu year(1801), but the other claims that he remained as believer in heart, only to hide his faith for the fear of official oppression. In such a horror of terrible persecution did he really communicate with Catholic group who often went to Beijing? We don't know what really was. Therefore the purpose of this article is to collect the circumstantial evidences for the assumption about 'the introduction of smallpox vaccination by Catholic group' and to evaluate the possibility. From the documents of the Church of that time we can know that a few of Catholic believers actively communicated with missionaries in Beijing for the employment of priests. The agents of Korean Catholic Church visited Beijing almost annually disguised in the official diplomatic visit, where they met French missionaries, discussed their route to Korea, sent letters, and traded of the bibles, holy books and religious materials from 1828(the publication year of the pamphlet) to 1835(the year Cheong Yak-yong died). It was a most active period in the History of Korean Catholic Church. Especially Cheong Ha-sang, nephew of Cheong Yak-yong, was the central figure leading this movement with Yu Jin-kil who was an official translator in a high position and a very erudite man. They often visited Beijing, and where they could have seen the pamphlet about smallpox vaccination and taken it to Cheong secretly. The Church of that time valued medical activity as an effective mean of their mission, which is well illustrated in the letters and documents of the missionary in Korea. Smallpox was a very severe health problem in Korea and the mortality of children was extremely high. The first Korean priest Father Kim asked the missionary in Beijing to send a prescription for smallpox. Cheong Yak-yong had a great interest in medicine, especially in smallpox, wrote some books devoting this subject. He also asserted continual study and introduction of new knowledge, which we can know from the statement that he rewrote MagwaHoetong for seven times. He knew and trusted the Western science and technology as other Korean Roman Catholics. It can not be completely confirmed that he really reacted religious practices after returned from his 18 year exile as the claim of Church, but at least he recorded the history of Korean Catholic Church and was interested in the affairs of it, that known from the notes of Bishop Daveluy who preached gospel in Korea, to be martyred in 1866. He said repeatedly in the notes and letters that Cheong wrote and provided the basic material necessary to construct the history of Korean Catholic Church. On the basis of that information Bishop Daveluy tried to edit the History, but the task was finally accomplished by his successor Father Dallet, who wrote History of Korean Catholic Church(1874). From his statement Cheong hided his records of Korean Catholic Church and showed it to very few number of selected people, small group of friends and relatives. The similar situation is shown in the statement of Yi Kyu-kyoung, a scholar of Silhak school of 19th century, about smallpox vaccination in Korea in mid 19th century. He said Cheong had a book of the vaccination but hided it and showed to some limited people. Cheong also wrote secretly memorial addresses for some of his friends died in Sinyu Persecution. His son Hak-sang was baptized too. From those facts we can assume that Cheong Yak-yong was not totally disconnected from the Church as officially documented but continued works relating with it secretly under the severe persecution. In this small pamphlet the phrases suggesting its own origin from the West were carefully erased, which might have disguised its relation with the Catholicism. Yi Kyu-kyoung also said he had heard about smallpox vaccination from Nam Sang-kyo, who was a sincere catholic. It is suggested that small group of Roman Catholics knew the method but it could not be widely practiced. Because it seemed to be strange and odd to general Korean people and the Catholic believers were generally isolated in the deep mountain valley or so from the general population to escape the persecution. Chos?n government rigorously prohibited the import of foreign(Western) books and materials from China for protecting the country from the invasion of 'Western barbarians' since late 18th century. The ones committing this regulation were destined to get severe punishments. So were the related. Thousands of people were tortured and sentenced to death under the accusation of "believing foreign superstition and betraying his mother country". In such a condition who dared to get foreign materials and expose it except Catholics? We can think other routes. For example Hong Seok-joo, a high ranking official of the Chos?n government, secretly asked a Chinese official to get some books including Western books when he visited Beijing in 1831. He was an editor of MabangTonghwi, medical book about smallpox edited on the base of MagwaHoetong of Cheong. It is possible that he introduced New Treatise on the Smallpox Vaccination to Cheong. He was a relative of Cheong and some of Catholic martyrs, so he might have understanding of Catholicism. If he did, it was also done in the context of Western culture imported by Korean Catholic Church. Considering the above facts we can suggest the higher possibility of the introduction of smallpox vaccination through Catholic groups with Cheong Yak-yong. Of course other routes could have been available, but its possibility seems to be comparatively low.