The Korean Journal of Medical History published in 1992 provides spaces for publication to medical historians who have been growing increasingly since the 1990s, thereby stimulating studies in the modern history of medicine in Korea. Through research published in the Korean Journal of Medical History and other journals, the course through which medicine in Korea in the modern times has been formed and the content of medicine that composed that course are elucidated. This article concludes that the various research tend to posit the view that the modern history of medicine in Korea evolves through a process of accommodation with Western medicine rather than being a complete transplantation of Western medicine, and describes medicine as it is viewed by consumers rather than the operators of medicine. How government power or colonial power utilized medicine in order to stabilize their rule is also a common theme. Now, it is come time to interrogate the viewpoints and analytical methods of medical history studies. Given that medicine is one area that drives changes in Korea in contemporary times, the outcomes obtained through this field can be sufficiently utilized when studying other areas. For instance, agony over the modernity of missionary medicine being studied recently provides meaningful implications in understanding the modernity of Korea. However, the importance of substantiation should not be overlooked as theories not supported by thorough documentary evidence are weak.
History, 20th Century ; Korea ; Publishing/history ; Research/*history ; Social Change

The education of Introduction to Medicine for the medical students can be traced back to the Hippocratic medicine in ancient Greece, when regarded some essays on the nature of medical care in Corpus Hippocraticum. However, its modern precurser may be the medical historian, Henry Sigerist who published the book: Einfuhrung in die Medizin (Introduction to Medicine) in 1931 on the basis of his lecture at Leipzig University. Influenced probably by the German medical tradition the education of the Introduction to Medicine has been flourished in the medical schools in Japan since 1941. In Korea the course has been introduced in 1971 and only few universities have adopted it as the regular course for medical students, while the education of behavioral science in the medical schools became more popular since 1970. The objectives and the contents of the education of the Intorduction to Medicine seem to be different according to the organizer of this course. This study deals with the questions about the objectives and contents of the Introduction to Medicine. Fourteen books by twelve authors entitled with either the Introduction to Medicine or the relevant one which were published in Japan, except for the above mentioned book of Sigerist, since 1945 were under the investigation. The motivations and the purposes of the authors for the publications of the books and their contents were compared each other in which the guidelines for the education of Introduction to Medicine were indirectly reflected. From this investigations it was recognized, the ways of editing or writing such books were so diverse that one could not elucidate any unitary direction. However, one could classify the books into three major categories in their approaches. One was a philosophical approach toward the nature of medicine including the nature of science, nature of life, the nature of man and the medical care and it was represented by Omotaka Hisayuki, the philosopher and medical ontologist in Japan. The second one was the historical approach toward the nature of the medicine represented by Sigerist and adopted partly by Kawakita in Japan. The third category was the combinations of both philosophical and historical approaches. In discussion the objectives and contents of the education of Introduction to Medicine of Seoul National University premedical course were demonstrated and also the newly published book of Introduction to Medicine volume I, II, III in Korea edited by the author. The similarities and differences of the course of 'Introduction to Medicine' from the 'Medical Overview or Guide to Medicine' from 'Behavioral Science' and from the course of 'the Medical History' were taken into consideration. As a conclusion it was suggested that the Introduction to Medicine should remain as an unique scientific field and curriculum for the medical students, as Omotaka has emphasized. The goal of this science should be set in search for the ultimate nature of the medicine and the nature of its objects; the life, man, illness and healing and also physician and patient in the human society. As for the methodological approach the author had preferences for uniqueness, creativity and flexibility in construction of the curriculum of the Introduction to Medicine rather than to try to standardize the curriculum common to all universities. It seems, however, to be desirable that the approaches are comprehensive and interdisciplinary including both philosophical and historical approaches in addition to the psychological, sociocultural and anthropological approaches.
Education, Medical/*history ; English Abstract ; Germany ; History of Medicine, 20th Cent. ; Japan ; Korea ; Publishing/*history ; Textbooks/*history

Sakae Miki said Classified Emergency Materia Medica had been the dominant standard of herbology throughout Joseon Dynasty, and that Compendium of Materia Medica had only been accepted so lately that a few books used herbological result of it in the late Joseon Dynasty. But according to Visiting Old Beijing Diary written by Munjoong Seo in 1690, Compendium of Materia Medica was in fact introduced before the year 1712, the year Miki Sakae argued to be the year Compendium of Materia Medica was accepted to Joseon officially. Now, we can assume that the introducing year of Compendium of Materia Medica was faster than Miki Sakae's opinion by the following reasons; the effort of Joseon government and intellectuals to buy new books of Ming & Ching; the publishing year of the book for living in countryside regarded as the first citing literature of Compendium of Materia Medica. And the True Records of the Joseon Dynasty and many collections written by intellectuals in the 18th century show that the herbological knowledge from Compendium of Materia Medica had already spread to the corners of Joseon Dynasty. Thus we can make the following assumption: Classified Emergency Materia Medica and Compendium of Materia Medica had coexisted in the late Joseon Dynasty. Sakae Miki suggested 6 examples which used Compendium of Materia Medica in the late Joseon Dynasty. I reviewed two of them in this paper, Essentials of Materia Medica & Handbook of Prescriptions from Materia Medica. Essentials of Materia Medica quoted Compendium of Materia Medica briefly focusing clinical use, and Handbook of Prescriptions from Materia Medica also re-compiled Compendium of Materia Medica to practical use according to the form of Treasured Mirror of Eastern Medicine. It means that the results of Compendium of Materia Medica have been used positively, based on the herbology of materia medica from countryside. From this point of view, the hyphothesis there weren't any herbological progress after accepting Compendium of Materia Medica in the late Joseon Dynasty by Sakae Miki can be denied.
History, 18th Century ; History, 19th Century ; Humans ; Materia Medica/*history ; Plants, Medicinal ; Publishing/*history

Humans ; Cardiology/history* ; Cardiovascular System ; Heart ; Publishing/history* ; China ; History, 20th Century ; History, 21st Century

Humans ; Cardiology/history* ; Cardiovascular System ; Heart ; Publishing/history* ; China ; History, 20th Century ; History, 21st Century

Humans ; Arrhythmias, Cardiac/history* ; Biomedical Research/history* ; Cardiology/history* ; Cardiovascular System ; China ; History, 20th Century ; History, 21st Century ; Publishing/history*

Humans ; Arrhythmias, Cardiac/history* ; Biomedical Research/history* ; Cardiology/history* ; Cardiovascular System ; China ; History, 20th Century ; History, 21st Century ; Publishing/history*

Of the more than two hundred collections of pildamchanghwa scattered around the world that are being catalogued and translated, more than forty are medical in nature. This paper organizes and charts the medical written conversations by their dates of publication and examine the various aspects of their publication. Medical written conversations have been collected since the Fourth Envoy. There are no records of medical written conversations or poetry exchange in Tsushima even though that was the first port of arrival for the Tongsinsa. Instead, sources show that written conversations and poetry exchanges mostly took place in Kyoto, Tokyo, and Osaka; indeed, these three cities, in that order, also have yielded the highest volumes of publication. The first commercially published collection of medical written conversations was Sanghaneuidam, published in 1713 following the Eighth Envoy. Though Gyerimchanghwajip was published two years earlier in 1711, it is clear from the usage of the word changhwa in the title that this collection was not strictly limited to medical written conversations. Sanghaneuidam was an attempt by Japanese medicine to collect questions and answers in order to publish as medical textbooks. The Japanese medicine that was involved in the most written conversations was Kawamura Shunko, who was the editor of Sanghaneuimundap and Joseonpildam following the Tenth Envoy. Publications with titles containing 'eui' explicitly contemplates the targeted readership. Kitao Shunpo was one Japanese medicine who was less interested in meeting a literary scrivener, but instead sought to converse with a respected medicine. When the Eighth Envoy of 1711 arrived in Ogaki, Kitao followed around the Joseon medicines and attempted written conversations. He enlisted the aid of his second son Shunrin in organizing the written conversations, and published the collection, complete with preface, postscript, and appendices-an editorial decision that fully contemplated his audience. Prior to meeting Gi Du-mun, Kitao meticulously planned out the order of questions-that is, the table of contents for Sanghaneuidam. Kitao drafted his questions to serve the purpose of a medical textbook, edited the contents of the written conversations, and added illustrations before presenting the collection to the public. Seomulyuchan, one of the most famous leishu in Japan, contains a preface by Lee Hyeon, a scrivener of Joseon. Kitao, who had studied Dongeuibogam, had already possessed a vast and systematic knowledge of materia medica; however, he sought Lee's contributions, hoping that a preface written by a renowned Joseon scholar would lend his publication more credibility. As such, it can be inferred that the preface to Seomulyuchan was created as an extension of the medical written conversations.
History, 18th Century ; Humans ; Japan ; Medicine, Traditional/history ; Publishing/history/*statistics & numerical data ; Travel ; Writing

Studies on the history of Western medicine in Korea began to be actively conducted and published since the restart of the Korean Society for the History of Medicine in 1991, which had been originally inaugurated in 1947, and the publication of its official journal, the Korean Journal of Medical History in 1992. In 1970s and 1980s, even before the start of the Journal, articles on a history of Western medicine were published mainly written by physicians in medical journals. This paper aims to provide an overview of the publications on the history of Western medicine in Korea, comparing papers published in the Journal with those published in other journals. Authors of the papers in the Journal are those who majored in history of medicine or history science whose initial educational backgrounds were medicine or science, whereas authors of the papers in other journals majored in Western history, economic history, social history, religious history, or women's history. While a large portion of papers in the Journal deal with medicine in ancient Greek or in modern America with no paper on medieval medicine, the papers in other journals deal with more various periods including ancient, medieval and modern periods and with diverse areas including France, Britain, Germany, Europe etc. Recent trends in 2000s show an increase in the number of researchers who published the history of Western medicine in other journals, total number of their publications, and the topics that they dealt with in their papers. In contrast, however, the number of researchers published in the Journal, the number of the papers and its topics - all decreased in recent years. Only three papers on the history of diseases have been published in the Journal, while eleven published in other journals. In order to stimulate research on the history of Western medicine in Korea, concerted efforts are necessary including academic communication among various disciplines, formulation of a long term plan to enlarge the pool of researchers and readers of the history of Western medicine, and development of strategic educational programs for both graduates and undergraduates including students of medicine and of humanities in Korea.
Education, Medical/history ; Europe ; History, 20th Century ; History, 21st Century ; History, Ancient ; History, Medieval ; Humans ; Korea ; Periodicals as Topic/*history ; Publishing/history ; Research/*history/trends ; Students, Medical

In this work my main focus was put on two things; first, to examine the history of publication of Tongui - bogam within the nation with particular interest in the changing aspect observed from the bibliographical terms, and second, to examine the process through which Tongui - bogam was introduced to Japan and China, and the influence the book brought the two nations. Some of the findings concerning the domestic publication of Tongui - bogam are as follows. The first printing of the book was made in 1613, under the auspice of Naeui - won, one of the government organs in the capital in charge of medical affairs. It was printed with wooden movable type carved at Hullyeon - togam, the military training bureau. As for the question of the history of the domestic publication of Tongui - bogam after the first printing in 1613, we don't have enough data yet. Although there are many different editions of Tongui - bogam extant today, with different size and different font each, I could find so far only three copies which carry the data concerning its publication, one printed in 1659 by the Kyongsang provincial government with newly engraved woodblock, one printed in 1754 again by the Kyongsang provincial government with re-engraved woodblock, and one printed in 1814 by the Cholla provincial government with newly re-engraved woodblock. Each of the three was a revised edition at the time of its publication because every time it was based on the copy corrected by Naeui - won. In addition to the above mentioned three different editions of Tongui - bogam, three are quite a few copies originally printed with wooden movable type of different font, at various time and various places. None of them has any record concerning the date and place of its publication, and none of them shows that it was based on the Naeui-won corrected version as a mother copy. Accordingly, all of them carry quite a few erratum misprinting and it seems quite certain that all of them were produced before 1659. I also feel that the 1724 Japanese edition was based on one of the pre - 1659 copies. In Japan, the first publication of Tongui - bogam was made in the year of 1724 (the 9th year of Kyoho in Japanese year title) under the auspice of the Japanese government i.e. the Tokugawa Bakuf. The book carries a preface written by a man named Fubihara, then the vice president of national university, and a postscript written by Minamoto mototoru, a government attached monk physician. It was a woodblock printing and the title of the book was "Kankoku - Teisei Tongui - bogam. The reason the word "Kankoku-Teisei" the Revised Edition Printed with Officially Engraved Woodblocks", was added to the title was that the publication was made by the government and before publication the government ordered Minamoto to read through the original Tongui-bogam throughly and make corrections if any misprintings be found. Minamoto also put the so-called kunto marks, the Japanese way of punctuation system on the original text all the way so that they could read it in the their own way. As the question of what edition of Tongi - bogam the Japanese used as a mother copy and whwn and how the mother copy had been brought to Japan are not clear at all. But judging from the fact that it carries quite a few erratum in spite of their efforts at proofreading before engraving the woodblock, it seems likely that Tongui - bogam they used as a mother copy was the one which was printed in Korea before 1659. In 1659 Tongui-bogam was published in Korea by the Kyongsang provincial government in Taegu with newly engraved woodblock. According to the attached record concerning its publication, it was a revised edition based on the Naeui - won corrected-copy, and this edition carries no misprintings in it at all. On the other hand, among the various editions of the extant Tongui - bogam today we can find some copy which, originally printed from wooden movable type, carries almost the same misprinting as those found in the 1724 Japanese edition. In other words, we are quite certain that the mother copy of the 1724 Japanese edition was brought to Japan before the Naeui - won - corrected - edition began to appear in Korea in 1659. The second publication of Tongui - bogam in Japan was made in 1799 in the city of Osaka. It was reprinted from the original woodblock of 1724 edition, and this second edition was later used in China in 1890 as a mother copy. The first publication of Tongui - bogam in China was made in the year 1766. It was a woodblock edition printed in Kwangtung province, located in the southern end of China. According to the attached preface written by a high ranking official named Nungo, a native of Kwangtung area, the publication was originally initiated by the governor of that province Mr. Wang, who deeply admired the value of Tongui - bogam. Since the Tongui - bogam at that time was available only in Bigak, the palace library in Peijing, the capital of the Ch'ing dynasty, the governor Mr. Wang had to send a man to Peijing to make a manuscript copy of Tongui - bogam of 25 of the volumes. But unfortunately Mr. Wang left his post before his plan to publish the book was realized and it was thanks to another native man named Chwahanmun who donated big money to cover the expenses of publication. The 1766 edition of Tongui - bogam, one copy of which is now in the possession of Kyungbuk University library, is understandably not a good copy, because it has many erratum in it. But it was reprinted afterwards sometimes with re-engraved woodblock many times at various places in China. The second publication of Tongui - bogam in China appeared in 1890. It carries a preface written by Mincheyusang. It was based on the Japanese edition printed in 1799 in Oosaka. What is interesting with Mr. Min's preface is that it shows their deep admiration of the value of Tongui - bogam on one hand, and at the same time very critical attitude toward the basic philosophy of Hojun on the other hand.
*Bibliography of Medicine ; China ; English Abstract ; History of Medicine, Modern ; Japan ; Korea ; *Medicine ; Publishing/*history