After the defeat of the Opium War and the Sino-Japanese War, China's intellectuals realized necessity of modernization (Westernization) to survive in the imperial order of the survival of the fittest. In particular, it was urgent to accept Western medicine and train the doctors who learned Western medicine to change the sick and weary Chinese to be robust. Thus, new occupations of the Western Medicine Group (xiyi, doctors who learned Western medicine) emerged in China. As with the first profession, the new Western Medicine Group tried to define standards of Western medicine and medical profession; however, it was difficult in the absence of the strong central government. In addition, they formed a faction by the country where they studied or the language they learned. The factions included the Britain - America faction(yingmeipai) consisting of the Britain - America studied doctors or graduates from Protestant missions based medical schools, and the Germany - Japan faction(deripai), graduates from medical schools by Japanese or German government and the Chinese government. In 1915, they founded the National Medical Association of China mainly consisting of the Britain - America faction and the National Medical and Pharmaceutical Association of China led by the Germany – Japan faction. Initially, exchanges were active so most of eminent doctors belonged the two associations at the same time. They had a consciousness of a common occupation group as a doctor who had learned Western medicine. Thus, they actively cooperated to keep their profits against Chinese medicine and enjoy their reputation. Their cooperation emitted light particularly in translation of medical terms and unified works. Thanks to cooperation, the two associations selected medical terminologies by properly using the cases of the West and Japan. Additionally, medical schools of the Britain - America faction and the Germany – Japan faction produced various levels of the Western Medicine Group doctors for China to timely respond to the rapidly increased demand. However, a conflict over the promotion of hygiene administration and the unification, organization of medical education did not end. This conflict was deepening as the Nanjing nationalist government promoted sanitary administration. It was the Britain - America faction who seized a chance of victory. It was because figures from the Britain - America faction held important positions in the hygiene department. Of course, some related to the National Medical and Pharmaceutical Association of China were also involved in the hygiene department; however, most took charge of simple technical tasks, not having a significant impact on hygiene administration. To solve the problem of factions of the Western Medicine Group, the Britain - America faction or the Germany - Japan faction had to arrange the education system with a strong power, or to organize a new association of two factions mixed, as in Chinese faction(zhonghuapai). But an effort of the Britain - America faction to unify the systems of medical schools did not reach the Germany - Japan faction's medical schools. Additionally, from 1928, executives of the two Chinese medical associations discussed their merger; however they could not agree because of practitioners'interests involved. Substantially, a conflict between factions of the Western Medicine Group continued even until the mid-1930s. This implies that the then Chinese government had a lack of capacity of uniting and organizing the medical community.
Americas ; Asian Continental Ancestry Group ; China* ; Consciousness ; Education ; Education, Medical ; Germany ; Humans ; Hygiene ; Japan ; Occupations ; Opium ; Protestantism ; Religious Missions ; Schools, Medical ; Social Change

Protestant medical missionaries, who started entering China during the beginning of the 19th century, set the goal as propagating Western medicine to the Chinese while spreading the Christian gospel. Back in those days, China formed deep relations with their own ideology and culture and depended on Chinese medicine that caused major influence on their lives instead of just treatment behaviors. Accordingly, it is natural to see information about Chinese medicine in documents that were left behind. Yet, there are not many studies which dealt with the awareness of Chinese medicine by medical missionaries, and most were focused on the criticism imposed by medical missionaries regarding Chinese medicine. Thus, there are also claims amongst recent studies which impose how the medical missionaries moved from overlooking and criticizing Chinese medicine to gaining a "sympathetic viewpoint" to a certain degree. Still, when the documents left behind by medical missionaries is observed, there are many aspects which support how the awareness of Chinese medicine in medical missionaries has not changed significantly. In addition, medical missionaries actively used medicine like traditional Chinese drugs if the treatment effect was well known. Yet, they barely gave any interest to the five elements, which are the basics of traditional Chinese drugs prescription. In other words, medical missionaries only selected elements of Chinese medicine that were helpful to them just like how the Chinese were choosing what they needed from Western knowledge. The need to understand Chinese medicine was growing according to the flow of times. For instance, some medical missionaries admitted the treatment effect of acupuncture in contrast to claiming it as non-scientific in the past. Such changes were also related to how focused medical missionaries were on medical activities. The first medical missionaries emphasized the non-scientific aspect of Chinese medicine to verify the legitimacy of medical mission. Then, medical missionaries gradually exerted more efforts on medical treatment than direct mission activities so the need of Chinese medicine became greater. This was because Chinese relied on Chinese medicine the most and even used Chinese medicine terms that they knew to explain their conditions while getting treatment from doctors who learned Western medicine. Additionally, medicine missionaries witnessed patients getting better after receiving treatment so they could not completely overlook Chinese medicine. However, medical missionaries strongly believed in the superiority of Western medicine and considered that China certainly needed Western medicine from a scientific perspective. Chinese doctors who were close to medical missionaries and learned about Western medicine believed in Western medicine and thought that Chinese medicine only held historical value besides some fields like Chinese traditional drugs.
Awareness ; China ; History, 19th Century ; History, 20th Century ; Medicine, Chinese Traditional/*history ; Missionaries/*history ; Protestantism/history

In modern Shanghai, smallpox was one of the most threatening diseases with its mortality rate going up to 30 percent. In response to the disease, Dr. William Lockhart, a medical missionary of the London Missionary Society, introduced vaccination(牛痘) to the Chinese people in Shanghai. He built the first western style hospital in Shanghai, Renji Hospital (仁濟醫院), in 1843. At this time, native doctors also played a very important role. For example, Huang Chun-pu (黄春圃) was in charge of the dispensary in the Chinese City in Shanghai, and he was the one who introduced vaccination under Dr. Lockhart’s direction.
In 1868, the Health Office of Shanghai Municipal Council began to implement a vaccination program. Around the turn of the 20th century, the Health Office of Shanghai Municipal Council managed several sub-district offices, hospitals, dispensaries, gaol, and even the traditional place like simiao [祀庙] for the free vaccinations. Urban residents benefited from a sanitary system, such as wide and free vaccination, compared to people who lived in rural areas. Moreover, Shanghai possessed the advantage of having the vaccine as a staple product of the Municipal Laboratory. The number of units of the vaccine issued from the Laboratory in sequence of years from 1898 to 1920 has been 115,351 on average.
Unlike the International Settlement, where systematic inoculation was conducted under the leadership of the Municipal Council, the Chinese City was still reliant on charity organizations in the early 1900s. The foreign residence in the International Settlement had a strong influence from the foreign governments, and foreign doctors were well-aware of the need for the vaccination. However, the Chinese City was a Chinese enclave that was still under the traditional rule of the Qing Dynasty.
In addition, the people of Shanghai had different perceptions of the smallpox vaccination, and this became an obstacle to the establishment of urban sanitation systems. Some Chinese people still relied on the traditional Chinese variolation (人痘) and Chinese custom. For example, Chinese people still applied for inoculation in the spring and avoided summer and fall following traditional Chinese variolation, even though the best time to get vaccinated was in early winter before the spread of smallpox.
In addition, foreigners were often more problematic than Chinese because they often overlooked the importance of vaccines and relied on drugs instead. The municipal authority, therefore, provided a wide range of free vaccinations for the poor and needy people regardless of their nationalities, and with such measures, sought to establish a stable urban sanitation system. This had been the key to the success of hygiene policies.

This paper examines how smallpox vaccination has been implemented in China from a technological perspective. It is an attempt not only to investigate the impact of technology and instruments on medical advances, but also to deepen the understanding of modern Chinese society through smallpox vaccination.Smallpox vaccination helps people develop immunity to smallpox by inoculating into them pus from cowpox which is an infectious disease that affects cows. In 1805, Alexander Pearson succeeded in smallpox vaccination using the arm-to-arm transfer method for the first time in China thanks to the arrival of the vaccine in Macao. As Pearson and Quixi, who followed in the footsteps of Pearson, used the arm-to-arm method, they did not have much interest in vaccine containers. However, the vaccine administration technique changed: the vaccine obtained from people was inoculated into cows, and then again, into people. It thus resulted in the manufacturing of various vaccine containers including glass vials and tubes. The development of tools contributed to the expansion of cowpox vaccination.In addition, cowpox vaccines were imported directly from foreign countries. Advertisements which remain to date indicate that vaccines were widely imported. Pharmacies promoted vaccines, contending that the sale and import of vaccines was for the Chinese people. On the other hand, there were voices against imported vaccines, saying that they were expensive and foreign-made. Under the banner of patriotism and nationalism, people demanded that vaccines be made in China, which led to the production of vaccines in large cities such as Shanghai and Beijing.Along with the aforementioned efforts to obtain vaccines, techniques for smallpox vaccination can also be understood in the Chinese context. For example, traditional Chinese medicine maintains that acupuncture can be used as a vaccination lancet. Since traditional Chinese medicine already embraced the use of cowpox for protection against smallpox, they advocated using acupuncture instead of western instruments in order to expand the influence of traditional Chinese medicine. The belief that inoculation should be done into acupuncture points in the upper arms shows the significant influence of traditional Chinese medicine. On the other hand, Chinese people being reluctant to leave vaccine marks show the general view of what was considered as beautiful at the time, rather than the Chinese traditional perspective.Consequently, smallpox vaccine techniques in China, while following the technological advancement in general, could not help but be adapted to the Chinese context under the influence of modern Chinese society. Thus, smallpox vaccine techniques provide clues for understanding modern Chinese society. As such, historians who conduct research mainly with literature should also take interest in medical technology and instruments as well.

Peripheral scalp T-cell lymphoma is a very rare disease. We report a case of a 22-year-old man who presented an indolent large scalp mass in the right frontal scalp region. The patient’s physical examination demonstrated no palpable mass in the chest, abdomen, and extremities. The brain CT revealed a high-density large scalp mass of the subgaleal layer in the right frontal and a small scalp mass of the subgaleal layer in the left frontal. The brain MRI showed multifocal enhancing masses in the bilateral dura, the subgaleal layer of the scalp, and the skull. The patient underwent removal of the tumor found in the right frontal scalp. The histologic diagnosis was peripheral T-cell lymphoma. Bone marrow aspiration showed the involvement of T-cell lymphoma. The patient received chemotherapy with cyclophosphamide, vincristine, doxorubicin, and prednisolone (CHOP protocol) for 3 cycles. The patient was discharged without neurological deficit. The patient showed no evidence of recurrence 15 months after surgery. We report a rare case of peripheral T-cell lymphoma mimicking benign scalp tumors.

Ischemia can cause decreased cerebral neurovascular coupling, leading to a failure in the autoregulation of cerebral blood flow. This study aims to investigate the effect of varying degrees of ischemia on cerebral hemodynamic reactivity using in vivo real-time optical imaging. We utilized direct cortical stimulation to elicit hyper-excitable neuronal activation, which leads to induced hemodynamic changes in both the normal and middle cerebral artery occlusion (MCAO) ischemic stroke groups. Hemodynamic measurements from optical imaging accurately predict the severity of occlusion in mild and severe MCAO animals. There is neither an increase in cerebral blood volume nor in vessel reactivity in the ipsilateral hemisphere (I.H) of animals with severe MCAO. The pial artery in the contralateral hemisphere (C.H) of the severe MCAO group reacted more slowly than both hemispheres in the normal and mild MCAO groups. In addition, the arterial reactivity of the I.H in the mild MCAO animals was faster than the normal animals. Furthermore, artery reactivity is tightly correlated with histological and behavioral results in the MCAO ischemic group. Thus, in vivo optical imaging may offer a simple and useful tool to assess the degree of ischemia and to understand how cerebral hemodynamics and vascular reactivity are affected by ischemia.
Animals ; Arteries ; Blood Volume ; Cerebrovascular Circulation ; Hemodynamics* ; Homeostasis ; Infarction, Middle Cerebral Artery* ; Ischemia ; Middle Cerebral Artery* ; Neurons ; Neurovascular Coupling ; Optical Imaging ; Rodentia* ; Stroke