Ginseng has always been the typical export item in Korean history. Until the 18th century, exporting ginseng was wild ginseng from the mountains. Since the 19th century, exporting ginseng became red ginseng, which was red due to steaming and drying process. Red ginseng was produced by Gaesung merchants, so that these merchants were able to gain the control of the output. Gaesung merchants of the 19th century exported red ginseng to China and made huge economic success. However, when the Korean Empire and Japanese colonical government established red ginseng monopoly, it essentially blocked Gaesung traders from manufacturing and exporting any further of its prized commodity. Then, the traders turned to sun-dried white ginseng as a substitute to red ginseng. As a result, white ginseng production dramatically increased after 1914, which in turn made Gaesung merchants newly aware of the commercial value of white ginseng, which was previously ignored. The traders made good use of the traditional medicine herb market, which opened annually, to promote the expansion of white ginseng sales. Moreover, the merchants also adopted modern marketing techniques, as they founded companies to handle solely white ginseng sales, refreshed packaging to raise commodity values, and made an effort in advertising and mail order sales. Due to such endeavors, demand for white ginseng grew exponentially both in domestic and foreign markets, which generated steady growth of white ginseng prices despite the rapid increase of its supply. This phenomenon naturally brought about the rich economic accomplishments of Gaesung merchants. Through the white ginseng sales activities of Gaesung merchants in post-1910s era, two facts can be newly uncovered. First, the mass consumption of white ginseng today in Korean society took a full-scale step after the 1910s. Second, it was a widely-held view that during the Japanese rule, majority of Korean traditional merchants were economically ruined, while a small minority collaborated with the colonical government to obtain economic success. However, Gaesung merchants in 1910s successfully commercialized white ginseng not with the aid of the Japanese but with their own efforts alone. Such fact reveals that there were other types of traditional merchants during the Japanese colonial period who cannot be explained with the common theory.
Commerce/*history ; History, 20th Century ; Panax/*chemistry ; Plants, Medicinal

The very first record of ginseng in the Korean peninsula dates back to early 6th century A.D., with its concentration in Chinese sources. Regardless of the fact that the Korean ginseng was introduced to China before the birth of Christ, there is no writing about it for 500 years. This is because the Chinese substituted Korean ginseng for the Chinese one, which was cultivated around the Shangdang Area. The ginseng, however, is greatly influenced by natural environment and its native area being Manchuria and the Korean peninsula. It is believed that ginseng range from the northern mountains of Pyongando and Hamkyongdo provinces to the southern Taebaek and Sobaek mountains in Korea. Especially the area of Madasan (Baekdusan?) mountain was well-known for ginseng-growing district. The ginseng taxation of the Three Kingdoms period seems to have gone through certain changes along the development stages of the ancient state. The first taxation stage is estimated to be in the form of a tribute. Afterwards, as the governing power of central government was gradually strengthened in the subjugated places, there was a major replacement from tributary form to actual goods levy. The actual areas of such tributary collection is unknown, but the [Sejongshilok Chiriji] (geographical records of Sejong chronicles) of the early Choson era indicates 113 prefectures and counties as those which submit ginseng to the central government. These administrations provide permissible clues to the historic background of ginseng-taxed regions of the Three Kingdoms. The ginseng trade also is estimated to have flourished in ancient Korea through the Han commanderies of China. However, the writings of Korean ginseng trade is non-existent until 6th century A .D., Such phenomenon can be attributed to few reasons. First, the Chinese took little interest in Korean ginseng as they believed they had their own native ginseng in China. Second, same ignorance resulted from its inflowing but new feature. Third, active communication became impossible as the Goguryo-China relations deteriorated overall after the closing of the commanderies. Nevertheless, ginseng eventually was properly introduced into China as the relations between two regions improved after the 5th century A .D., which led the Chinese to realize the difference between Chinese and Korean ginseng. So it is estimated that such causes generated the real beginning of ginseng records in the 6th century. Based on the remaining texts, it can be inferred that trade in the Three Kingdoms era usually was conducted in each kingdom were all different, which was reflected in their respective contact with China. Such characteristics must have directly influenced their ginseng trade with China as well. For example, Shilla was only able to perform major ginseng commerce with China from the 7th century. There are various records of ginseng trade in Unified Shilla period, owing mostly to the previous tributary trade. Additionally, there is a case in which a certain individual presented Korean ginseng to a Chinese, as well as a case of Shilla ginseng trade in Japan. Aforementioned examples clearly illustrate that the fundamental structure of ginseng trade in East Asia was completed during the Unified Shilla period.
Commerce/*history ; English Abstract ; History, Ancient ; Korea ; Panax/*growth & development

This thesis examines a crisis of ginseng capital and the source of crisis during Daehan empire. After the China-Japan war of 1894, the Japanese merchants actively engaged in taking over the ginseng fields, so that ginseng-cultivating Koreans suffered substantial economic losses. After the Russo-Japanese war, the Japanese imperialists undertook the 'Currency Arranging Business'(CAB) in order to set a cornerstone for their invasion of Korea. The CAB eventually provoked a wide depression which in turn produced massive number of Korean merchants going bankrupt. The Kaesong merchants were no exception, since CAB stroke a severe blow on the ginseng industry, which relied heavily on the commercial capitals of the Kaesong merchants. Moreover, the Japanese imperialists broke the previous promise and bought ginseng at a dirt-cheap price, which put ginseng-cultivating Koreans in serious trouble. In order to combat such crisis, ginseng field-owners protested against such injustice by petitioning or stirring up Kaesong popular riot in vain, and consequently the number of ginseng field-owners decreased sharply. A few of the ginseng field-owners survived, and managed to maintain and even flourish more than before. These successful owners were characterized with their strong link with the official circle, utilizing their influence in ginseng industry. Their original background was not identical as some came from the influential families of Kaesong area for generations, while others made their own fortunes and continue to prosper through the difficult times of the late of the Daehan empire period.
Agriculture/economics/*history ; Commerce/economics/*history ; History, 19th Century ; History, 20th Century ; Japan ; Korea ; *Panax ; Riots/history

This article traces early career of Kong Pyung Woo, a public figure famous for being the first doctor of medicine in ophthalmology with Korean ethnicity in 1936, for founding and running the oldest and still the most successful private eye clinic in Korea since 1937, and also for his engagement in development of Korean mechanical typewriter since 1949. His case is an illustrative example of how a Korean under the Japanese colonial rule (1910-1945) could build up a career to become a medical doctor, taking full advantage of the chances available. Kong, born in 1907 in a rural province in northwestern Korea, acquired a doctor's license in 1926 by passing the qualifying examination of the Government General in Korea. The qualification test was in itself an outcome of colonial education system, in which the supply of medical doctors by only a few tertiary schools could not meet the demands. After working for a state hospital for one year, Kong volunteered to be a visiting student at Keijo Medical College, to fulfill his dream of "becoming a prominent bacteriologist like Noguchi Hideyo." He was soon officially appointed as a tutor at Department of Ophthalmology, as he had been endorsed by professor Satake Shyuichi for his diligence and earnestness. Satake also encouraged Kong to pursue a doctoral degree and recommended him to Tokumitsu Yoshitomi, a professor in the Department of Pathology at Keijo Imperial University, so that Kong could experience cutting-edge research at the imperial university. Kong reported on his experiments on the pathology of chorioretinitis centralis by 1935. He submitted the reports to Nagoya Imperial University, Japan, as a doctoral thesis, and eventually obtained the degree in 1936, which was the first Korean doctor of medicine in ophthalmology. The doctorate made Kong a public figure and he opened his own private clinic in 1937. The Kong Eye Clinic was the first private eye clinic owned and run by Korean, and soon became popular in Seoul. Kong's fame as a successful practitioner gradually made him express his opinion on various social issues. Kong did not hesitate to utilize his influence to advocate the new "modern" way of living, with special emphasis on speed and efficiency. His engagement in typewriter business since 1949 may also be attributed to his firm belief in the value of speed and efficiency. Although he could not fulfill his dream of being an academic, Kong still remains as an important figure in the history of medicine in modern Korea, not only for his publicity. By closely analyzing Kong's personal story, one can see various aspects of opportunities, personal networks, social norms, and limitations within the colonial setting.
Asian Continental Ancestry Group ; Chorioretinitis ; Commerce ; Education ; Education, Medical ; History of Medicine ; Hospitals, State ; Humans ; Japan ; Korea* ; Licensure ; Ophthalmology* ; Pathology ; Running ; Seoul