No abstract available.
Colonialism* ; Leprosy*

The Japanese introduction of dentistry into Korea was for treating the Japanese residing in Korea Noda-Oji was the first Japanese dentist for Japanese people in Korea in 1893. and Narajaki doyoyo, an invited dentist was posted in the Korean headquarter of Japanese army in september, 1905. The imperialist Japan licensed the dental technicians (yipchisa) without limit and controled them generously so they could practice dentistry freely. This measure was contrary to that in Japan. (In Japan no new dental technician was licensed.) Komori, a dental technician opened his laboratory at Chungmuro in 1902. The dental technician had outnumerbered by 1920. In 1907, the first Korean dental technician Sung-Ryong Choi practiced dentistry in Jongno. The imperialist Japan made the regulation for dental technicians to set a limit to the advertisement and medical practice of dental technicians. The first Korean dentist Suk-Tae Ham was registered No. 1 in the dentist license. The Kyungsung dental school was established by Nagira Dasoni for the purpose of educating some korean people that contributed to Japanese colonization. It made progress with the help of Japan. it was given the approval of the establishment of the professional school in January the 25th, 1929. it was intended to produce Korean dentists in the first place but became the school for Japanese students later on. The association of Chosun dentist, which had been founded by Narajaki doyoyo, was managed by Japanese dentists in favor of the colonial ruling. The Hansung Association of Dentists established in 1925 was the organization made by the necessity of the association for Koreans only. the Japanese forcefully annexed the Association of Hansung Dentists (Koreans only) to the Association of Kyungsung Dentists to avoid collective actions of Korean dentists in the name of 'Naesunilche'--'Japan and Korea are one'. Their invading intention was shown in the event of 'decayed tooth preventive day'. Japanese controled the gold for dental treatment by licensing and limited the stuff for dental treatment by rationing. The association of Chosun dentists was a group organized for the academic purpose by Nagira Dasoni and etc. In October of 1919, where as the association of kyungsung dentists was constructed on the background of Nagira Dasoni. This establishment of the association of Kyungsung dentists represented a backlash against Ikuda singho having a complete control over the association of Chosun dentists. The number of Koreans who wrote to the Chosun Dental Science Academy was 27, and they wrote 75 articles, which amounted to 15% of 486 articles. The number of Koreans who wrote to the Kyungsung Dental Science Academy was 16, and they wrote 52 articles, which amounted to 11% of 481 articles. These had been a lot of improvement by activity backlash of the dental association. However, they experimented Korean people. The experiments included the experimental stimulation of dental pain by Nagira Dasoni, use of toxic agents on human bodies such as mercury, bismuth and carcinogenic benzole, and experimental treatments with a poor prognosis. Worst of all, the rapid discrimination was stressed. The different dentition according to races was the subject of comparison researches. The dangerous chemicals were sometimes used. The non-akaloid medication was investigated to relieve the dental pain but, the habitual side effects were not unusual by the overuse of morphine or heroin, which was known to be irrelevant due to their habitual side effect. The use of new and unproven material was recommended as well. Especially, the alloy that substituted gold, attracting attention, was substantiated by researches.
Colonialism/*history ; *Dentistry ; English Abstract ; History, 20th Century ; Japan ; Korea

This article examines the life of Lee Jungsook, a Korean nurse, as a independence activist during the Japanese colonial period. Lee Jungsook(1896-1950) was born in Bukchung in Hamnam province. She studied at Chungshin girl's high school and worked at Severance hospital. The characteristics and culture of her educational background and work place were very important factors which influenced greatly the life of Lee Jungsook. She learned independent spirit and nationalism from Chungshin girls' high school and worked as nurse at the Severance hospital which were full of intense aspiration for Korea's independence. Many of doctors, professors and medical students were participated in the 3.1 Independence Movement. Lee Jungsook was a founding member of Hyulsungdan who tried to help the independence activists in prison and their families and worked as a main member of Korean Women's Association for Korean Independece and Kyungsung branch of the Korean Red Cross. She was sent to jail by the Japanese government for her independence activism. After being released after serving two years confinement, she worked for the Union for Women's Liberation as a founding member. Lee Joungsook was a great independence activist who had a nursing care spirit as a nurse.
Colonialism/*history ; *History of Nursing ; History, 20th Century ; Japan ; Korea

Woosaeng, meaning "eugenic" in Korean, was a bulletin published by the Korean Eugenics Association in 1934. With detailed review of the contributors to Woosaeng, its publication background and the contents, the characteristics of Korea's eugenic movement in 1930's and its historical implications of public health are studied. Intellectuals, especially some medical doctors educated abroad, played the pivotal role in publishing Woosaeng and leading the eugenic movement in 1930's. Lee Gabsoo, a medical doctor educated in Germany, is identified as the key person in the whole process. Most of contributors including Lee considered medical science, especially genetics, as the foundation of eugenics and had strong confidence in their belief. A variety of eugenic movements and activities, including enactment of the national eugenic law around the world, was introduced to the Korean society through Woosaeng and it reinforced the eugenic activities in Korea. Although colonial Korea at the time was being heavily imposed with Japan's culture, the eugenic activities were also influenced by Germany and the US through the contributors educated oversea. The overall content and tone of Woosaeng, revealed its 'soft' characteristics, yet it also implied its vulnerability to 'hard' eugenics. Korea's eugenic movement around Woosaeng faces turnover right before 'The Go Fast Imperialism' period. The high class intellectuals tamed by Japanese colonial paradigm in eugenics took the lead and ended up having a significant influence upon the activities around Woosaeng. And even after Koreans' liberation from Japan's annexation, they were able to retain their influence in public health area in the Korean society. In summary, Woosaeng guided us to understand the characteristics of Korea's eugenic movement in 1930's and the historical context of public health in Korea. Moreover, Woosaeng provided a large amount of information about the eugenic movements around the world as well as in Korea. It also provided some specific examples about the strategic relationship between medical science and politics in 1930's Korea.
Publications/history ; Public Health/history ; Politics ; Korea ; Japan ; Humans ; History, 20th Century ; Eugenics/*history ; Colonialism/history

This paper traces how Koreans of north area became medical doctors in colonial Korea. Most of the past research have focused only on the well-known medical doctors, or even when they discussed a great number of doctors, many research tended to only pay attention to the explicit final results of those doctors. This research, on the other hand, includes ordinary medical doctors as well as the renowed ones, and adjusts the focus to the lifetime period of their growth and activities. As a result, the misunderstanding and obscurity about the Korean medical doctors of north area during this period have been cleared. The new characteristics of the Korean medical doctors of this period have been found, along with their embodiment of historical significance. At the time, Koreans had to get through a number of qualifications in order to become doctors. First is the unique background of origin in which the family held interest in the modern education and was capable of supporting it financially. Second is the long-term status of education that the education from elementary to high school was completed without interruption. Third is the academic qualification that among various institutions of higher education, medical science was chosen as a major. Fourth is the condition of career in which as the career as a doctor had consistently continued. Thus, in oder to become a modern medical doctor, Koreans had to properly complete these multiple steps of process. The group of Korean medical doctors in north area, which was formed after getting through these series of process, possessed a number of characteristics. Firstly, as the upper-middle classes constituted the majority of medical doctors in Korea, the societal status of doctors rose and the foundation for the career as a doctor to be persisted as the family occupation settled. Secondly, the research career and academic degree became the principal method to escape from the discrimination and hierarchy existed between doctors. A PhD degree, especially, was the significant mark for clearly displaying the abilities and outcomes of the doctors. Lastly, the research career, education experience, clinical training and such that the Korean doctors of the period had built up were weak at the time, however, they were important sources for the future medical science development. Indeed, after Liberation, the rapid settlement and growth of Korea's medical science field were largely beholden to thus. Therefore, the growth of the Koreans as doctors did not cease in colonial Korea, but instead continued onto the history of future generations. In spite of the fact that the Korean doctors's growth and activities were greatly limited under the forceful policy of colonial domination of the era, the efforts the Korean doctors had put were not in vain. Likewise, if we do not fix our attention at the dominating policy and system, but rather put together the actors' correspondence and struggles of the period, then the Korean doctors will be a part of the living history. Hereby, the clue to the paradox between the suppression of medical science in colonial Korea and its leap after Liberation can be untied.
Colonialism ; Education, Medical/*history ; Faculty/*history ; History, 20th Century ; Korea ; *Physicians ; Schools, Medical/*history

This paper aims to examine the preventive measures taken against the plague in colonial Korea, particularly as applied to the control of Chinese coolies in 1911, soon after the annexation. The Government General of Korea began preventive measures with a train quarantine in Shin'uiju and Incheon in response to the spread of the plague to the Southern Manchuria. Shin' uiju had become urbanized due the development of the transportation network, and the seaport of Incheon was the major hub for traffic with China. Examining the transportation routes for the entry and exit of Chinese to and from Korea makes clear the reason why the Korea Government General initiated preventive measures in mid-January, 1911. The Government General of Korea tried to block the entry of Chinese through the land border crossing with China and through ports of entry, primarily Incheon. During the implementation of the preventive measures, quarantine facilities were built, including a quarantine station and isolation facility in Incheon. It was also needed to investigate the population and residential locations of Chinese in Korea to prevent the spread of plague. A certificate of residence was issued to all Chinese in Korea, which they needed to carry when they travelled. The preventive measures against plague which broke out in Manchuria were removed gradually. However, there was no specific measures against Chinese coolies, those who had migrated from China to work in the spring in Korea. Still the Government General of Korea had doubt about an infection of the respiratory system. As a result, the labor market in colonial Korea underwent changes in this period. The Government General recruited Korean laborers, instead of Chinese coolies whose employment had been planned. This move explains the Government General's strong preventive measures against plague and uncertainty in the route of plague infection, which influenced subsequent regulations on the prohibition of Chinese coolies working on the public enterprise sites and the improvement of labor conditions for Korean laborers.
China/ethnology ; Colonialism ; History, 20th Century ; Humans ; Korea ; Plague/*history/*prevention & control ; Quarantine/*history

This thesis examines the academical trend of Oriental Medicine in the Japanese colonial period observed through medical books published during the Japanese colonial period. This is a period in which Western Medicine was introduced, and due to the lean-to-one-side policy by the Japanese, Western Medicine became the mainstream medical science while Oriental Medicine was pushed to the outskirts. Even after all this, the academic activity was flourishing during this period compared to any other periods. This article is divide into various chapters each with its own theme in order to understand the academic trend of Oriental Medicine during the Japanese colonial period. Focusing on the publication of medical books, this article is divided and observed according to various themes such as the study of Dong-Eui-Bo-Gam, the study of Bang-Yak-Hap-Pyeun, the study of Sang-Han-Ron, the study of Sa-sang constitutional medicine, the study of Eui-Hak-Ip-Mun, the study about Bu-Yang-Ron, On-Bo-Ron, and pediatrics, compromise between Western and Oriental Medicine, the study of experience medicine, the study of acupuncture and moxibustion, and etc.
Western World/history ; Medicine, Oriental Traditional/*history ; Japan ; Humans ; History, 20th Century ; Colonialism/*history ; Books/history

During the Japanese imperialism, an attempt for colonial education in the Korean peninsula was to put into operation of a medical education movement. This plan was set up by the Tong-in club in 1907 and the foundations were laid in Pyong-yang and Tae-gu Tong-in hospitals. This report is a review acheiving the approach that was underplotted with the intention of the colonial education policy. Also, this report centralizes on the objectives of the Tong-in club establishment and the details of the medical education movement in the Korean peninslula. On June 16th, 1902, the Tong-a Don-mun club, Tong-a-mun club, Tong-mun medical club were established under the management of Mr. Irizawa Tatchkiji. The objectives of these clubs were to spread and popularize medical science into the Qing-Dynasty, Choson Dynasty and other countries. Tong-in club practiced modern medicine in the Korean peninsula. With the reason that they were responsible for cultural movement in the colonial region, the Tong-in club stayed in action until the Pacific war ended. Thus, they were playing a role similar to that of a lady-in-waiting in the aggressive war among the Imperialists. The Tong-in club was an organization with 6 main functions; 1) To provide modern medicine, prevent epidemics, maintain a sanitation level and to back up the Doctor Education Movement 2) To publish the Tong-in club's medical magazine 3) To translate and publish Chinese medical books 4) To train and provide seminars to Chinese doctors 5) To encourage communications from Chinese students studying medicine in Japan 6) To examine the standard of the hygiene in China etc. to other things To examine, the Doctor Education Movement in An-dong in the Manchurian region spread to the Chinese and Choson people in the Korean peninsula, also the Doctor Education Movement put into operation in Pyong-yang and Tae-gu. The summary of the An-dong Tong-in club's activities as follows; (1) The activities of An-dong Tong-in hospital educated 21 Koreans and 12 Chinese in 1911, but only 2 Koreans and 1 Chinese were able to graduate from the process. An-dong hospital was at the management by the principal Mr Sakazaki, and was under the pains in finance. (2) The activities of Tae-gu Tong-in hospital started on the 1st of February 1907, and continued till April 1911. Then activities they took over to the institute of medical center in Seoul attached to the Goverment-General in Choson. They educated 30 students every 1st semester and 2nd semester with the principal Mr Ikegami Shhiro as leader but all of them couldn't graduate without falling behind except 5. The contents of education mainly consisted of the Japanese language, preparatory subjects, physics, and anatomy, but they were superficial in depth. Besides that, girl students could be instructed about nursery and childbirth and delivery. And they also trained 40 students majoring in vaccination by the second term. (3) The activities of Pyong-yang Tong-in club was put into operation on December 1906. They made the medical institute attached to public Tong-in hospitals and from the days on October 1907, Mr Sato Kotcho gave his full interest in the education of the medical spheres of Korean students. The medical institute attached to Tong-in hospital had taken over the school of a private-village styled education administered by Mr Nakamura Tomitcho at the Taedong gate street on April 1905. He was the creator of medical education in that region and took a spread and hidden role in the development of medical history in Korea. 15 or 16 medical students were taught the apprentices through an interpreter at a Korean-style house in 1907. The excellent students from the public Japanese school took the role of the interpreters. At that time the Choson government gave 600 won every month to the Pyong-yang and Taegu hospitals. It seemed that the Resident-General Ito Hirobumi gazed with deep interest and anxiety on these hospital's behaviors and progress. The Pyongyang Jahye hospital taking over the former Pyongyang-hospital's duties, had 57 students including 8 seniors, 3 juniors, 6 sophomores, and 36 freshmen. There were 13 students in the nursery department including 6 Korean preparatory students and 5 Japanese and 2 Korean regular students. The first 8 students graduated form the Pyong-yang Jahye hospital in September 1910. They held a medical license without examination and entered the service of the patients at Jahye public hospitals in Won-ju, Chun-chon and Kwang-ju. I think that the projects of medical education starting from Tong-in club disappeared completely under the dictatorship of the Governor-General. It is certain that the Japanese medical education might take a great role in the development of the history in the spheres of Korean medicine. But the Japanese imperialistic government began, with deep interest and anxiety, whether it was really necessary to educate the Korean students in medical spheres. Namely, it seemed that there were many quarrelsome arguments about the necessity of medical education on the Choson colony. But it was paradoxically fortunate, the Tong-in club obtained good results to some extent by keeping the principles of the Residenty-General. It was short terms no more than 3 years but Tong-in club tried to practice the medical education projects, under the name of literally the Same Humanity and Charitly, but it managed to appease the minds of the colonized Korean people. It was the medical education projects in Tong-in club that caused a combat in outpost of the education principles of colony under 'the Same Humanity and Charity between Japan and Choson' at the just end of 3. 1 Movement by the inauguration of Saito Makkot the Governor-General. We can arrive at conclusion that the Japanese colonists tried to approach colonial education through the medical education by following the examples of western-imperialistic countries. The medical education projects of Tong-in club were the basic and continual principles since emerging Choson into Japan as colony. Namely it could be highlighted that the medical education practices of Tong-in club were planned and driven as a part of pervasion of the Japanese colonial education principles, namely 'the Same Humanity and Charity between Japan in Choson'.
Colonialism/*history ; Education, Medical/*history ; English Abstract ; History of Medicine, 20th Cent. ; Japan ; Korea ; Societies/*history

Japan annexed Korea in 1910 and with the promulgation of the Chosen Kyoyuk Ryong(the Korea Education Decree) in 1911, it began to conduct education for the Korean people. However, this was only a matter of formality and a policy for liquidating the spirit of the Korean people. It finally resulted in the uprising of March 1, 1919 of the Korean people that has a cultural tradition of a high level. This event served as a cause of widely spread censure among the Korean people as well as the people of the whole world. Even in Japan voice of criticism rose high. Such being the situation Japan amended the Korean educational law under the pretext of shifting to a so-called civil-rule policy. The Japanese authorities adopted the same educational system as was practiced in Japan proper, for primary and middle school education. As for higher education, they placed under a strict control the educational facilities already established by Korean people and foreign missionaries, suppressing even minor expansions of existing facilities. However, the movement by some Korean educators to establish a private university and efforts by some missionaries to integrate the existing educational organizations into a university made it inevitable for the Japanese authorities to set up a university of their own in Korea. Thus, they hurriedly established the Kyongsong Imperial University in which was included a medical college that was an indispensable organization for colonial education. They professed that the medical college was established for the purpose of providing equal opportunities and privileges to Korean and Japanese students, but, on the contrary, the operation of the college was done strictly under their colonial policy. The system of the Kyongsong Imperial University was enforced according to the Japanese Imperial University Law, and all the faculty members and the administratial officials were Japanese. As for Koreans, a few graduates of the university was named nonpaid deputy assistants, and graduates of other colleges were employed as nonpaid subdeputy assistants. In most cases, Koreans, finally handicapped compared with Japanese, could not continue their study and research. A few of them who could conduct continued study and research were placed under strict restraints ant accordingly, their opportunities to achieve academic and social promotion were quite limited. During the history of 20 years of the Kyongsong Imperial University Medical College Yun Il Son and Ko Yong Sun served as assistant professors for 13 months and three days respectively. In addition, there were 12 Koreans who worked as temporary assistants, the periods of their service varying from two days to 10 years. The rate of graduates for Koreans was less than 30% and the rate for Koreans who received a degree of doctor of medical science was only 25%. From 1940, the course of the medical college was shortened to three years and same months under the war-time system and with Japan's unconditional surrender to the Allied Forces on August 15, 1945, the entire faculty of the medical college was discharged by the U.S. Military Government on November 5, 1945.
Colonialism/*history ; English Abstract ; History of Medicine, 20th Cent. ; Japan ; Korea ; Schools, Medical/*history ; Universities/*history

Japan, which occupied Korean from 1910 through the end of World War II, transformed traditional medicine. Japanese colonialists propagandized the "benefits of modern civilization such as western medicine" and rejected the advantages of traditional medicine. This bias against Korean traditional medicine mirrored the government's rejection of its own traditional medicine. So, Korean traditional medicine was marginalized in the national health care system traditional doctors were excluded from public institutions and references to traditional medicine were purged from school textbooks and newspapers. The wars that Japan waged between 1931 and 1944 effected a favorable change toward traditional medicines, however. The wars created a severe shortage of drugs and medical personnel. Thus the colonial government was eager for Koreans to cultivate and gather herbal drugs it also built a large research institute for herbalism at the Keijo Imperial University in 1938. The colonial government made pharmacopoeia for traditional herbal drugs including plant and animal drugs from 1937 to 1942, independently from Japan. Under these conditions the prestige of traditional medicine was greatly improved. Influential newspapers and magazines covered the traditional medicine, and public lectures on traditional medicine drew large audiences. The wartime government abandoned its opposition to traditional medicine and appointed a traditional practitioner to the staff of the public hospital in 1934. Moreover, the government allowed the association of the traditional medical doctors in Seoul to train three hundred more practitioners between 1937 and 1942. Japanese colonial policy toward traditional medicine reflected the contradiction between modernizing ideology and the reality of poor colonial medical care. Japanese propaganda promised that the colonial regime would provide more advanced medicine to Korea, but the promise was an empty one. In this situation, traditional medical doctors and herbalists once again shouldered the main responsibility for the health of the Korean people.
Colonialism/*history ; English Abstract ; History of Medicine, 20th Cent. ; Japan ; Korea ; Medicine, Oriental Traditional/*history