As early as in the 6th year of King Taejo of the Ch sen Dynasty(1406), there emerged a medical training organization which turned out women doctors who would engage in the treatment of diseases for women and conduct the service of midwifery. Of course the healing art those women doctors adopted at that time was Oriental medicine, and due to the strict Confucian prejudice against women, the medical treatment for women did not go beyond the limit of home treatment. Such being the situation. from the viewpoint of Western medicine, it is hard to say that there existed women doctors in Korea before the advent of the Kyongsong Women's Medical Training Institute. Such social situations and the customs peculiar to the Korean women badly required the existence of women doctors. However, the Ch sen Government-General which was the ruler of the Korean Peninsula at that time, was quite indifferent to the urgent need. In the meantime, Dr. Rosetta S. Hall, an American Methodistic woman doctor, fully aware of these situations through her long experience of medical service for Korean women privately encouraged Korean women to study medicine while personally conducting medical education for them by establishing a medical training institute. At that time, Kil Chung-Hee, a woman doctor, and her husband Dr. Kim Tak-Won actively supported Dr. Hall for educational work for women. They succeeded to the work of operating the training institute established by Dr. Hall and made strenuous efforts to get it elevated to the status of a women's medical college. There was active participation in their undertaking and a committee for the formation of a foundation was organized. When the attainment of the goal was imminent Kim Chong-Ik a man of seat wealth from Sunchon, Chulla South Province, willed a Japanese a large amount of money totaling six hundred and fifty thousand won (three hundred thousand won as a fund for the establishment of a women's medical college and three hundred and fifty thousand won for the starting of a T.B. sanatorium). Thus, the Women's Medical College was opened by the hand of the Japanese. Fortunately, however, the faculty was composed of young and enthusiastic Korean doctors, among whom were professors with great interest in Women's education. This resulted in the illusion to some degree of Korean national spirit into the mind of the students who were forced to receive Japanization education. In consideration of these points, the acquirement of fund for the establishment of the Kyongsong Women's Medical College was made possible by the efforts of Kim Tak-Won who endeavored to promote the Kyongsong Women's Medical Training Institute to the status of a regular college, the activities of the College Establishment Committee and the generosity of Kim Chong-Ik who was moved by the enthusiastic activities of the Committee. In this regard it may not be wrong to say that even though the Kyongsong Women's Medical College was opened by the Japanese due to the requirement of the times, it was a continuation of the Kyongsong Women's Medical Training Institute because the educational philosophy of the professors of the former was the same as that of the professors of the latter.
Education, Medical/*history ; English Abstract ; History of Medicine, 19th Cent. ; History of Medicine, 20th Cent. ; Korea ; Physicians, Women/*history

On the whole, the major impetus for the institutionalization of public hygiene in Korea came from two directions. On one hand, the self-enlightened intellectuals had introduced a variety of Western ideas and theories on public hygiene since the mid-eighteenth century. On the other hand, Japan strongly influenced the modern systems of Korean health care and medical education, especially through Japanese efforts at the sanitary control of infectious diseases such as smallpox and cholera. The institutionalization of Korea's public hygiene in this period corresponded not to the high ideas of the progressive intellectuals but to the larger social and institutional changes caused by the major political events. Ideas of public hygiene were institutionalized as a powerful strategy of linking the imperial capital and colonial domains.
Colonialism/*history ; History of Medicine, 19th Cent. ; History of Medicine, 20th Cent. ; Japan ; Korea ; Politics ; Public Health/*history ; Sanitation/*history ; Western World

On the record 1995 is the 100th anniversary of Western medical education in our country which began with the opening of the Vaccinators' Training Center, but the actual history of Korea's Western medical education is 97 years old. To become vaccinators the students underwent training for a month including the manufacturing of vaccine and the practicing of vaccination. These vaccinators were the first vaccination specialists trained in Western medicine in our country. Their service included vaccination as well as education. These professionals of Western medicine. in spite of a short period of their training, saved countless human lives, contributing greatly to the welfare of society. In the years 1897-1898, there were quite a number of foreign missionary medical doctors in Korea, who were providing Western medical education each according to their own need. Some of the examples were Wells and Follwell in Pyongyang, Johnson in Taegu, and Scranton, Avison, and Rosetta Hall in Seoul. They were all medical doctors who received regular medical education and were engaged in clinical medicine. Meanwhile, Japanese medical doctors, who were educated in Western medicine, were operating hospitals in Pusan, Wonsan, Inchun, and Seoul. They did not provide medical education, but they employed Koreans as their assistants. Under such circumstances. the Chosun Government-General belatedly inaugurated the Uihakkyo Medical School. This medical school had a three-year course of Western medicine, but there was only two instructor trained in Western medicine and the remaining teaching members were all doctors of Oriental medicine. By regulations the curriculum included such subjects of Western medicine as zoology, botany, chemistry, physics, anatomy, physiology, pharmacology, diagnosis, internal medicine, surgery, pediatrics, ophthalmology, etc. The fact that to teach these subjects, non-medical persons were nominated as professors simple because they were equipped with knowledge of medicine, law and medicaments, makes it easy for us to imagine what the contents of the lectures would have been. After 1905, the Western medical education in Korea was severely interfered in by the Japanese authorities, and the name of the medical school was changed several times -Taehan Hospital Educational Department, Medical Educational Department, Attached Medical School, etc. The entire faculty of this medical school consisted of Japanese. Accordingly, the control over Government medical education in Korea was placed in the power of the Japanese authorities. To learn Western medicine Korean students had to endure humiliation and disdain from Japanese professors who took pleasure in showing off their talent and knowledge and satisfying their sense of superiority. After 1910 when Korea was annexed to Japan, Koreans had to receive Japanese education unconditionally. The government Uihakkyo Medical School was transformed into the status of a medical training center and was attached to the Medical Educational Section of the Government-General Hospital, barely retaining the name of a medical school. Korean students received medical education submissively suffering the haughtiness, disdain and prejudice from Japanese professors and follow students. Even after their graduation, Korean students had to meet the same situation. Thus, some academically eager graduates, for the purpose of furthering their study and research under liberal circumstances, went to Germany, which at that time was known for its most advanced medical sciences in the world. However, since the Japanese authorities including the professors did not make much of the Koreans studying in Germany, some of the graduates who were eager for further study had to continue their study under the Japanese professors. Thus the achievements of the Korean medical pioneers were the product of their sacrificial efforts and hardships. In this connection the author has described the achievements of the Korean professors, though small in number (5 professors, 6 assistant professors, and 10 instructors), who did their study and research at their alma mater. Also given in this article are data on the dissertations by 104 of our medical pathfinders, including the titles, the dates when degrees were awarded and the names of colleges where their dissertations were defended etc.
Education, Medical/*history ; English Abstract ; History of Medicine, 19th Cent. ; History of Medicine, 20th Cent. ; Korea ; Western World

No abstract available.
Pancreatitis, Chronic*

Authors investigated the services of medical missionaries during the late Yi-Dynasty and the era of the Japanese Occupation in Korea. The information and materials were got from the following primary sources: The Searching Report of the European and American Residents in Korea (1907-1942); The Korean Mission Field, Vol 1 (1905.11) - Vol 37 (1941.11); Christian Newspapers, No 1 (1915.2) - No 1128 (1937.7). Through this study we found that 280 medical missionaries came to Korea to do the medical services during the period from 1884 to 1941. Among them 133 were medical doctors, 5 dentists, 6 pharmacists and 136 nurses. And it was found that 71 medical missionaries (25%) belonged to US Northern Presbyterian Church, 50 (18%) to US Northern Methodist Church, 38 (14%) to US Southern Presbyterian Church, each 32 (11%) to US Southern Methodist Church and Society for the Propagation of the Gospel (Anglican Church), 20 (7%) to Canadian Presbyterian Church, each 12 (4%) to Australian Presbyterian Church and Catholic Church, 9 (3%) to Seventh Day Adventist Church, and 31 Western medical personnels without connection to any missionary society. So we confirmed that most of the missionary medical services during this period were performed by the American missionary societies, which was compatible with the acceptible idea. The average duration of services by the medical missionaries was 13.0 years, which was about 5 years longer than that of the non-missionary Western doctors and nurses in the same period. The medical missionaries were more in number during the era of the Japanese Occupation than during the late Yi-Dynasty, however, their socio-cultural significance seemed to be higher in the late Yi-Dynasty. And authors found that the nearly all of the medical services by the missionaries were carried out in the regions belonging to the respective missionary society.
Christianity/*history ; Colonialism/history ; English Abstract ; History of Medicine, 19th Cent. ; History of Medicine, 20th Cent. ; Japan ; Korea ; Missions and Missionaries/*history ; Religion and Medicine ; Western World

A 26-year-old woman had an ovarian Sertoli-Leydig cell tumor (SLCT) associated with an elevated level of serum alpha-fetoprotein (AFP). The tumor had a heterologous element of intestinal-type mucinous epithelium, retiform and intermediately differentiated tubules of the Sertoli cells, and AFP-producing Leydig cells. AFP was demonstrated within the Leydig cells by an immunohistochemical technique. After surgery, the serum AFP level of the patient fell to the normal range. The present case is the first documented case of AFP producing a SLCT of the ovary reported in Korea.
Adult ; alpha-Fetoproteins* ; Epithelium ; Female ; Humans ; Korea ; Leydig Cells ; Male ; Mucins ; Ovary* ; Reference Values ; Sertoli Cells ; Sertoli-Leydig Cell Tumor*

Dental caries is a chronic disease that causes the destruction of tooth structure by the interaction of plaque bacteria, food debris, and saliva. There has been attempts to induce remineralization by supersaturating the intra-oral environment around the surface enamel, where there is incipient caries. In this study, supersaturated remineralized solution "R" was applied to specimens with incipient enamel caries, and the quantitative ananlysis of remineralization was evaluated using microradiography. Thirty subjects volunteered to participate in this study. Removable appliances were constructed for the subjects, and the enamel specimen with incipient caries were embedded in the appliances. The subjects wore the intra-oral appliance for 15 days except while eating and sleeping. The removable appliance were soaked in supersaturated solution "R", saline, or Senstime(R) to expose the specimen to those solutions three times a day, 5 minutes each time. After 15 days, microradiography was retaken to compare and evaluate remineralization. The results were as the following: 1. The ratio of remineralized area to demineralized area was significantly higher in the supersaturated solution "R" and Senstime(R) than in the saline. (p<0.05) 2. Remineralization in the supersaturated buffer solution "R" occurred in the significantly deeper parts of the tooth, compared to the Senstime(R) group containing high concentration of fluoride.(p<0.05) As in the above results, the remineralization effect of remineralized buffer solution "R" on incipient enamel caries has been proven. For clinical utilization, further studies on soft tissue reaction and the effect on dentin and cementum are necessary. In conclusion compared to commercially available fluoride solution, remineralization solution "R" showed better remineralization effect on early enamel caries lesion, so it is considered as effecient solution for clinical application.
Bacteria ; Chronic Disease ; Dental Caries ; Dental Cementum ; Dental Enamel ; Dentin ; Eating ; Fluorides ; Microradiography ; Tooth

Group B subtype, A1B3, was observed in a 22-year-old blood donors by conventional serologic test. In our family study, his father demonstrated uncomplicated B phenotype and his mother typed as group A. We sequenced exon 6 and 7 of phenotypically A1B3 propositus and his family members by direct sequencing and PCR-based cloning. And we have identified a novel Bvar allele characterized by a 547G>A polymorphism present in propositus and his father. This suggests that the Bvar allele is expressed differently depending on the co-inherited ABO allele.
Alleles* ; Blood Donors ; Child* ; Clone Cells ; Cloning, Organism ; Exons ; Fathers* ; Humans ; Mothers* ; Phenotype ; Serologic Tests ; Young Adult

The present work is the first joint epidermiological study of contact dermatitis carried out by the Korean Contact Dermatitis Research Group which was organized in 15i8p. For the past 2 years total 937 patients with contact dermatitie and suspected contact dermatitis have been routinely patch tested with Hollister-Stier standard battery (28 different antigens) by using Finn Chamber at 10 different General Hospitals which were located around Seoul area. The MOHL index was quite different from the western data, which was characterized with less male, rare leg ulcer and less occupational cases. However, housewife hand eczema cases were more common. The most common senaitiaers were ammoniated mercury, nickel sulfate, potassium dichromate, cinnamic alcohol, neomycin sulfate, paraphenylendiamine, balsam of Peru and thimerosal in order of frequency.
Dermatitis, Contact* ; Eczema ; Epidemiology ; Hand ; Hospitals, General ; Humans ; Joints ; Leg Ulcer ; Male ; Neomycin ; Nickel ; Patch Tests ; Peru ; Potassium Dichromate ; Seoul ; Thimerosal

BACKGROUND: Onychomycosis and tinea pedis are common superficial fungal infections. Causative organism in onychomycosis and tinea pedis have been extensively studied, but the pathogenic role of non-dermatophyte is still controversial. Trichosporon species are soil and water-inhabiting yeasts, and occasionally found in the normal flora of human skin, mouth, and nails. Trichosporon spp. have been reported to be one of the pathogens in onychomycosis and tinea pedis. OBJECTIVE: We performed mycologic studies to investigate the prevalence and significance of trichosporon spp. in skin and nail lesions, which were clinically suspected of onychomycosis and tinea pedis. METHOD: We performed a survey of the mycologic laboratory records of patients clinically suspected of onychomycosis and tinea pedis from August 2001 to July 2002, and tried to identify trichosporon to species level by using API 20C kit systems. RESULTS: Out of total 1509 nail and skin samples examined, 663(43.9%) were culture positive. Trichosporon spp. were recovered from 11.2%(74/663) of the samples. In onychomycosis considered alone, the prevalence of solitary isolated Trichosporon spp. was 7.7%. In species level, T. asahii(62.1%), T. mucoides(20.3%), and T. inkin(14.9%) were isolated in decreasing frequency. The positive rate for KOH examination in trichosporon spp. was 52.9%. Among the isolated trichosporon spp., mixed cultures with other organisms were 13(17.6%) and solitary isolates were 61(82.4%). 31(41.9%) were not only positive for KOH examination but also founded in pure culture in relatively large colony counts. In pure culture isolations, high colony counts predominated over mixed cultures. CONCLUSION: Trichosporon spp. is a relatively common isolates from fungal cultures of skin and nail, and it may be pathogenic in some cases of skin or nail infection.
Humans ; Mouth ; Onychomycosis* ; Prevalence ; Skin ; Soil ; Tinea Pedis* ; Tinea* ; Trichosporon* ; Yeasts